Post

Region: Commonwealth of Liberty

        RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE
        
        FRENCH BUREAUCRACY 
        
        PALAIS DE L’ELYSÉE

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      THE ÉLYSÉE PALACE: POMPIDOU PUT IN POWER!
      VTH REPUBLIC | PARIS, JUNE 1969

     ERA OF POMPIDOU 

    | HELM OF DÈMOCRATIE, PALAIS DE L’ELYSÉE - | The political and military elites of France mixed together within the Gaobelin-hung halls of the Elysée Palace, their tricolor sashes and bemedaled uniforms bearing witness to their nation's glorious, if occasionally traumatic, past. A company of the Republican Guard stood in the courtyard, drew up on one side of a red carpet that extended across the white gravel. The Republican Guard was magnificent in their red-trimmed uniforms dating back to the 19th century. Georges Pompidou, the man France has entrusted with its future for the next seven years, stepped down that red carpet last week, into the gilded halls of his new home.

    Alain Poher, the acting president whom Pompidou had defeated in the two-round contest that selected Charles de Gaulle's successor, met him at the steps of the palace. The victor and the defeated strode together to the opulent Salle des Fêtes, where other dignitaries and visitors had gathered. Lully's Les Mousquetaires du Roy was being played by a small ensemble when it became quiet. To declare Pompidou the winner of the presidential election, the head of the Constitutional Council stood up. The heavy chain of the grand master of the order, which represents the Presidency, was put around Pompidou's neck by the Grand Chancellor of the Legion of Honor. At that moment the Elysée was rocked by the sound of artillery firing along the Seine and President Pompidou gave a brief inauguration speech in response to the counterpoint of the 21-gun salute. "General de Gaulle represented France with unprecedented éclat and authority," declared Pompidou, praising the man who had fired him as prime minister just eleven months before. "His example defines my obligation. With the utmost regard for the Fifth Republic's constitution and a strong determination to preserve France's honor, I intend to fulfill that obligation."

    The fears and tensions that gnaw at the Gaullist French Social Party could not be concealed by the pomp and circumstance of the inaugural ceremony. One of De Gaulle's most devoted ministers, Michel Debré, was disturbed as he arrived late to the Elysée. The Gaullist and former minister of culture, Andre Malraux, also appeared uneasy, putting his left palm to his lips as if to bite his nails. Sitting Prime Minister Maurice Couve de Murville, who was leaving office, was even more stern and frigid than normal. The elderly Gaullist veterans are all too aware that the party disintegrated nearly instantly in 1953, the last time De Gaulle angrily left French politics. This time, they're determined to keep Gaullism a powerful, cohesive force in French politics. Many of them have a mild mistrust toward Pompidou. Despite his long tenure in the party, he lacks the credentials of the Resistance and the almost mystical faith in the General's judgment that distinguish authentic Gaullists. He made a clear attempt to break away from his party during the campaign. Pompidou made the "openings" in foreign and domestic policy promises in an attempt to win over non-Gaullist party voters. The Gaullists worry that those gaps could weaken their position. Certain others, most notably former Justice Minister René Capitant, are concerned that Pompidou will not carry out De Gaulle's social programs, such worker engagement in management, while others fear Pompidou may appoint too many outsiders to his Cabinet.

    Naturally, President Pompidou is aware of these concerns. Being a pragmatic politician, he is aware that the Gaullist majority in the National Assembly is necessary for him to succeed. Additionally, he wants to avoid getting into a public argument with De Gaulle, who just returned to Paris from his self-imposed exile in Ireland to set up a personal office. Nonetheless, Pompidou proceeded with reassuring élan to engage in political maneuvering and a successful cabinet formation in the days leading up to his inauguration. Using a Left Bank apartment that was formerly Princess Lee Radziwill's pied-à-terre as his temporary headquarters, Pompidou traveled the city back and forth for one-on-one meetings and lunches with potential ministerial candidates. To manage the flood of congrats, a mobile postal unit was erected in the apartment building's courtyard. One of the congratulatory telegrams was from De Gaulle, who hailed his triumph "for every personal and national reason." Claude, Pompidou's exuberant wife, remained subtly in the background during the political maneuvering. She did however show up at the Hôtel de Ville following the inauguration to witness Georges accept the city of Paris's homage, and afterwards she had a stroll with him around the Elysée rose gardens. Probably the easiest and least contentious appointment to the Cabinet was Pompidou's first one. The National Assembly President, Jacques Chaban-Delmas, age 54, was his choice for Prime Minister. The choice of selecting a Foreign Minister still remained as the most important portfolio decision to yet be made.

    The Quai d'Orsay was something that Republican Party member Valery Giscard d'Estaing longed for. Given that Giscard has shown a preference for British membership in the Common Market and a less nationalistic approach to international relations, his appointment would represent a significant shift from De Gaulle's policies. The Gaullists insisted that Debré remain in his position and fiercely resisted the appointment of Giscard. By the conclusion of the week, representatives of Pompidou suggested that the President would make a concession and choose neither candidate for Foreign Minister. Prime Minister Chaban-Delmas did reveal, however, that Giscard will receive a different Cabinet post—possibly the Finance Ministry, which he previously held under De Gaulle between 1962 and 1966. In addition, the Prime Minister declared that the transfer of power would not affect at least three other Gaullist ministries. They were François-Xavier Ortoli, the former Finance Minister, Roger Frey, the Minister of State, and Olivier Guichard, the former Minister of Industries. What unified them was their known strong political and personal links to the newly elected president. |

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        VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!
        
        VIVE LA FRANCE!
        
        VIVE L’EMPIRE!

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