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COL | Prologue Q&A

by The Administrative Founders of Libertyworks

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| Civilization | | Prologue Q&A | | Cartography | Government | Basic Law |
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D E T A I L E D ,—C R E A T I V E ,—S T O R Y T E L L I N G
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The Commonwealth Of Liberty — Detailed, Creative, Storytelling . . . That is what we do here. If your looking for that Era of Excitement, a Great Whisper of a Thrill, here in the COL we have been providing that as the orginial ultra-active, ultra-detailed NS roleplaying community since 2013. From our detailed factbooks, to detailed storytelling which hold events from the halls of power, to the households of the average civilian . . . from Geopolitics ranging of diplomacy to warfare; national developments to crisis affairs . . . Here, in this Prologue, this Q&A . . . You will find many of your questions answered, and many examples of what we do here, of which you will find a community open and ready to help in the creation of beautiful factbooks and/or roleplays . . . But you will also find more questions, created out of this, How do I join? What are the rules? Once I do so, how do I start the journey? . . . Welcome to the Commonwealth of Liberty!

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PROLOGUE TO JOURNEY

Is there an application?	We in the COL do not find it reasonable to saddle new members with bureaucracy, requirements for citizenship and thus map placement is simply holding WA membership within the region.
How does the Citizenship process work?	Seven full days with WA-status in the COL, and continuing to do so grants full COL Citizenship, although Map Placement occurs as soon as WA membership is obtained, regardless of the seven day period, which concerns our Democratic Elections.
What goes on the Regional Message Board?	The COL RMB is the place where our roleplays are posted, wheter detailed developments or civilian character stories . . . You will find primary IC/RP conversations on the RMB, as we seek to focus creativity within community that our members partake in.
Do you have a Discord?	Yes, we do! The COL Discord is for OOC conversations, and sometimes we play games like Minecraft and Hearts of Iron IV together! — COL Discord
Are there International Organizations?	Yes! We have Organizations such as the United Nations UN & European Union EU! . . . We also host World Olympics Games!
Where can I find the Roleplaying World Map?	page=dispatch/id=93367
Where can I find the RP Basic Law?	page=dispatch/id=1208909

INSPIRATION SHOWCASE Please enjoy some of our Member's RP Archives, to see what we are about!

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FACTBOOK TEMPLATES

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RÉPUBLIQUE FRANÇAISE

FRENCH BUREAUCRACY 

PALAIS DE L’ELYSÉE

______

THE ÉLYSÉE PALACE: POMPIDOU GIVES WAY TO THE MEDIA — UNLIKE HIS PREDECESSORS
_{VTH REPUBLIC | PARIS, AUGUST 1969}

 ERA OF POMPIDOU II 

_{| HELM OF DÈMOCRATIE, PALAIS DE L’ELYSÉE - | Charles de Gaulle hosted a grand total of eighteen news conferences throughout his eleven-year tenure as President of France; the press's invitation to these mystical conferences was largely coincidental. Encircled by his entire Cabinet and seated on a gold-upholstered tapestry chair at the Elysée Palace, De Gaulle made prophetic statements rather than responding to the questions of the press, that were frequently prearranged. The outcome of Georges Pompidou's first interview with the media last Wednesday, following his election as the General's successor, was as far from De Gaulle's speeches as an audience is from any sort of televized interview.}

_{France's new President came calmly into the room, addressing the 160 reporters gathered there in an informal fashion, stating that he was concerned about the old way of hosting press conferences and felt that it was time to redefine the press conferences' goal of distributing information. President Pompidou said: "I should be informing you and learning something myself," and that he wanted free and flexible relations with the media. The press conference was able to do both and covered a wide range of detailed issues. Journalist and newscasters inquired about almost every significant subject presented during the De Gaulle administration during the nearly two hours of direct questions and replies, ranging from Britain's admission into the Common Market to housing developments. President Pompidou showed an amazing level of acquaintance with both the practical levels of governance and policymaking. His frequent use of quotations to respond, such as Marcus Aurelius' observation on the fleeting nature of youth ("The inevitability of age is suspended above it"), demonstrated his mastery as a scholar. Throughout his responses, he injected humor and when asked how he would ensure the defense of the Mediterranean, Pompidou said, "Ideally, by being everywhere". He made an effort to talk courteously about other countries. Just one inquiry—about potential arrangements to meet with De Gaulle—caused the heavy whipped president's eyebrows to collide. "These meetings should be at his initiative, and there is no need for them to be known to the public," curtly stated Pompidou.}

_{De Gaulle has little reason to reach out to his successor thus far, as Pompidou has unveiled few significant deviations from Gaullist doctrine. The only indication of change he offered was the complete arms embargo against Israel that De Gaulle imposed early in the year, which polls showed to be extremely unpopular with French citizens. According to Pompidou, France might allow the shipping of spare parts for Israel's French-built aircraft and weaponry with "a feeble offensive capacity," contingent on the "situation on the spot and the attitude of interested parties." In actuality, France already approves the shipment of some spare parts through other nations. However, Pompidou showed no indication that he would free the fifty Mirage aircraft that De Gaulle had ordered seized two years prior. Pompidou gave his audience the reassurance that France did not view the Common Market as a "convent" that necessitated "a series of vows to be pronounced" in regards to Britain's admission into the European Economic Community. However, Pompidou noted that the "European notion" needs a solid foundation and that expanding the EEC presents actual challenges, some of which "have been hidden behind what has been called the French veto." As things stand currently, the EEC is merely "a customs union on the one hand and, on the other, an agricultural community quite difficult to operate."}

_{Pompidou stated that the demands for a more integrated farm trade, as well as advancements in science, industrial energy, transportation, and corporate law harmonization, should take precedence over the territorial enlargement of the European Community. The President did however indicated that he is ready to discuss possible entry into the EEC with the British when they met this autumn for a summit on the Common Market. According to Pompidou, the visit by President Nixon to De Gaulle last winter marked a "turning point" in the relationship between the United States and France. The United States' current strategy in Vietnam "is viewed here with the greatest sympathy." Regarding France's growing economy, but not without its own struggles, Pompidou stated that "boosting overseas commerce will be necessary to solve their issues and remain at the top of their game." De Gaulle's habit of virtually always delivering a front-page surprise was in sharp contrast to the fact that there was very little shocking news relayed throughout the entire conference. However, Pompidou was able to persuade the media and his countrywide TV viewers that his administration was capable and accommodating to calls for gradual reform, which was essentially what he had promised. |}

______

VIVE LA RÉPUBLIQUE!

VIVE LA FRANCE!

VIVE L’EMPIRE!

_{𝐄𝐌𝐁𝐑𝐀𝐂𝐄 𝐅𝐑𝐀𝐍𝐂𝐄
𝐂𝐎𝐌𝐌𝐎𝐍𝐖𝐄𝐀𝐋𝐓𝐇 𝐎𝐅 𝐋𝐈𝐁𝐄𝐑𝐓𝐘}

Abessinienreich
Adriatican Islands
Al-Jammahirya al-Arabiyya
Amsterwald
Andorra-
Anglo channel
Arcanda
Astarina
Batallon de Dignidad
Brazil Toucan
Canovia
Cascadla
Connomia
Earstenia
Falastinyya
Great Britain GB
Greater Kurdistane
Hatzburg
Hollunde
Holy Vatican City States
Hong Kong Delta
Israelli
Kewtpuff
Kotakuan II
Le Equatoria
Lieobria
Lucki
Maziya
Medarc
Meerkien
Metropolitan Francais
Monaco-
Mutawakkiliti
Nasrid Algeria
Nevbrejnovitz
NewAuroria
New Provenance
New zealand nz
Ngiera
Nileia
Nippon-Nihon
OsivoII
OsivoIII
Paramountica
Paseo
Poland1st
Pontianus
Provenancia
Ranponian
Republica de cuba-
Rio de la plata basin
Rutannia
Salisbury-Southern Rhodesia
Saudi Arabiyah
Slipway
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
Spain-
Tallahan
The Confederate Prussian Empire
The kemalist republic of turkiye
The United States of Africa
United Jericho
Vancouver Straits
Veliki-kolombia
Victoria Harbor
Victoria harbor ii
Vietnam sv
Virnall
Zeitenwende
Zingium

T H E  K I N G D O M  O F  S A U D I  A R A B I A  ❂ المملكة العربية السعودية

^₁ 𝐋𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐏𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐬 𝐑𝐞𝐩𝐮𝐛𝐥𝐢𝐜 !

P A R T    1  -  T H E   R E P U B L I C

|"The People of Arabia, in order to establish a more perfect union, announce the formation of the Peoples Republic of the Arabian Peninsula!" a manifesto written for the Peoples Republic of Arabia, a planned coup of the executive powers and government of The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. This attempted coup was first staged around the 5th of September of 1967, when a group of anti-monarchists formed a 'republic' hellbent on 'eliminating' the monarchy. On multiple attempts on the monarchy's legitimacy, the crown was tried with their lives and the monarchy considered them a public enemy to the general public of Saudi Arabia. Although the crown has been tried in the past, this has been one of the most conscientious of the groups. The crown was horrified after these multiple attempts at their lives. The crown has been faced with such groups before, but this one was different. This crown had this as one of their priorities for a while, but the 54 members of this party threatened, collectively, hated the crown. In a conference, Crowned Prince Faisal of Saudi Arabia, son of Sultan Saud, stated;
"Yet our own people are tried? Let these people know, by Allah's will, their lives will not be in vain,
for our country will protect our people to the very end, to the very end of this system, for
when we all ascend, this country will not fall against the forces of worldly powers!"

| The Party eventually grew larger with time, and as we are in 1969, the party has, an estimate of ~30,000 supporters in the state. This massive amount of anti-royalists may cause a new issue in our unitary state, for this threat stands with the bronze sword, while standing against what they believe is 'wrong'. This republican uprising will not stand! This country needs help more than ever! So, people of Saudi Arabia, rise up! Rise up to protect your country! Rise up to defend against the Shaytaan, the evil of our world! They try to fool us with their words, they try to be an omniscient force; we have heavens armies! We have the protection of all of the angels of Muhammad and Allah! Let them know that, they will not stand! This new instinctive should reach all of our hearts, people, for we can fight against the demons of this world, they continue to stand, thinking they can overthrow Allah, however, Allah created all, and can destroy all. So people, protect Allah's Chosen State; For we can follow the words of the Shahada! The words of holy spirits!

^{_{1 - Part of A Series}}

| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X
| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"

De democratie mag dan gebrekkig zijn,
maar zij is wel de minst gebrekkige van allemaal...

// 18 MEI 1969, WOENSDAG
DEN HAAG, NEDERLAND //

N O V AㅤㅤE R A ,ㅤㅤE A D E MㅤㅤQ U Æ S T I O :ㅤㅤC H A N G EㅤㅤW I L LㅤㅤC O M E

ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ_{As the Netherlands braced itself for the looming elections, an eerie shadow descended upon the usually vibrant skies of the lowlands. Sinister clouds amassed over Den Haag, their sombre presence casting a foreboding pall over the cityscape. Amidst the misty air, election posters of various parties, from the fervently nationalist NSB to the staunchly social democrat SP, adorned the cold concrete walls of the banlieues, each vying for the allegiance of the nation's populace. Once bustling with fervent rallies, the main thoroughfares now lay desolate and forlorn, echoing the silence of a populace gripped by uncertainty. And yet, amidst the bleakness, the morning sun struggled to break through the oppressive gloom, its feeble rays offering a fleeting glimpse of hope amidst the turmoil that enveloped the Dutch capital.}

_{As the hours waned, the pulse of the entire nation, from the serene fields of the rural south to the bustling streets of the urban north, from the iconic canals of Amsterdam to the diplomatic corridors of Brussels, quickened with the anticipation of change. Citizens flocked to the polling stations, their footsteps echoing a collective determination to make their voices heard, to shape the destiny of their beloved country. The once formidable Van Veerenjans Administration, plagued by a series of tumultuous events – from the simmering Walloon Crisis to the ignominious Poincaré Affair, and the harrowing Dutch banking crisis – found itself teetering on the brink of irrelevance, its once lofty approval ratings plummeting into the abyss. The once stalwart CDV-CDA parliamentary coalition, a bastion of stability, now lay shattered amidst the debris of political turmoil and inner schisms.}

_{In stark contrast, amidst the clamour for change and the resurgent tide of nationalism, the mantle of leadership was eagerly seized by the fervent right, embodied by the charismatic figure of Adrian Wolsheijner and his Dutch Social Movement. Wolsheijner, a figure of considerable renown and charm, had previously commanded the halls of power as the esteemed Head Councillor in the Privy Council, now ready to challenge the status quo of the nation as a populist and nationalist homme d’état. With the winds of change blowing fiercely, and the incumbent senator for Rotterdam’s third district, Lodewijk Aarnesalt, haplessly thrust into the fray amidst the chaos engulfing the CDV-CDA, the outcome of the election seemed all but preordained, the scales of destiny tipping inexorably towards a new era of governance with the nationalists against them.}

_{Amidst the political fray, the Socialist Party stood as a curious anomaly. In a nation steeped in anti-communist sentiment and fervent Russophobia, the emergence of the social democrats of the SP as the third largest party in the nascent Netherlands was nothing short of remarkable. Offering a nuanced alternative amidst the polarised landscape, they provided a middle ground between the civic nationalism of the Christian Democrats and the national conservatism of the Social Movementarians. Yet, despite their ascent, their flag-bearer, Heinrijk van de Kamp, remained a figure shrouded in obscurity, his potential drowned out by the thunderous rhetoric of his more prominent adversaries. The liberal fanatics of the VVD, though venerable in their longevity, found themselves eclipsed by the burgeoning forces of change, their candidate, Ulric de Varens, a respected figure as the longstanding mayor of Rotterdam, relegated to the sidelines of electoral relevance.}

_{And then there was Vox, the most enigmatic entrant into Dutch politics, espousing Left-Libertarian ideals hitherto unheard of in the political discourse of the Netherlands. Led by the fiery Robber Vandoorwijk, a defector from the SP ranks, Vox promised radical reforms and a seismic shift in the status quo, captivating the imaginations of a populace weary of the familiar cadence of establishment politics. In this tumultuous arena of ideas and ambitions, the fate of the Netherlands hung precariously in the balance, poised on the precipice of profound change.}

_{As the Dutch populace braced themselves for the pivotal election day, the burden of decision weighed heavy upon their shoulders. In a nation yearning for transformative change, the stakes were high, and the urgency palpable. In an era where political landscapes shifted like sand dunes in a desert storm, granting no quarter to even the most seasoned of politicians, the turbulent milieu of Dutch politics stood as a testament to the capricious nature of power. With each ballot cast, the destiny of the Netherlands hung in the balance, poised on the knife's edge between continuity and upheaval. The winds of change swept mercilessly through the corridors of power, leaving in their wake a trail of uncertainty and apprehension. In this crucible of political turmoil, where the only constant was change itself, the Dutch people stood at a crossroads, poised to shape the future of their nation. And as the sun set on election day, casting long shadows over the land, the collective heartbeat of the Netherlands echoed with the fervent hope for a brighter tomorrow, tempered by the sobering realisation that the path to progress was fraught with peril and uncertainty.}

_______________________________________________

_{Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor}
de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]
—

Adriatican Islands
Amsterwald
Anglo channel
Arcanda
Cascadla
Cheezaslovakia
Connomia
East Germany DDR
Great Britain GB
Greater Kurdistane
Hatzburg
Israelli
Kewtpuff
Klingenthalerburg
Kotakuan II
Ma-li
Maziya
Metropolitan Francais
Mutawakkiliti
Nevbrejnovitz
NewAuroria
New Provenance
Nileia
Nippon-Nihon
OsivoII
Paramountica
Paseo
Peking Zhongguo
Pontianus
Provenancia
Ranponian
Rio de la plata argentina
Rutannia
Saudi Arabiyah
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
Spainard
Spain-
The Confederate Prussian Empire
Vancouver Straits
Victoria Harbor
Vietnam sv
Virnall

Confédération Africaine de Football

SECOND ROUND OF AFRICAN CUP OF NATIONS QUALIFIERS OVER; 8 TEAMS DECIDED FOR THE 1970 EDITION

_{In keeping with the previous tournament, the African Cup of Nations have officially began its bi-annual format with the next edition being held only two years after the one in 1968. However the other change to the tournament, its expansion into 16 teams, was abandoned in favor of a return to the 8 team format. The reasons for it were many, but the main reasons happened with the ascention of Abdel Halim Mohammed, a Sudanese politician and activist, to the spot of CAF President. It was argued that the expansion happened too early, and there were complaints by several of the bigger African nations (particularly the United Arab Republic) that the AFCON qualifiers had forced a congested schedule in the local leagues. Meanwhile for many of the smaller African nations, it had simply become financially unsustainable to play 3 group matches instead of the traditional knockout format, forcing many to withdraw. Many further argued that the expansion into 16 lessened the prestiege of the tournament and allowed lesser quality teams into what should be the festival of African football.}

_{The star man of this round has been undoubtedly the Mercurial Ivorian striker Laurent Pokou who smashed a hattrick in the first 30 minutes against a Kenyan side that looked defeated from the start. Pokou has been grabbing head ever since emerging on the scene in the 1968 AFCON, plying his trade in ASEC Abidjan, there's no doubt that bigger European clubs have been vulturing around him, waiting for him to make the move to the big leagues, although Pokou's loyality to his team and country is unquestionable. Only time will tell the future of this exciting striker.}

_{Another major story of this was one of the first instances of a 'West African' derby between Nigeria and Cameroon. Nigeria, coming out of it's civil war, seemed to make for a particularly inspiring story as they overcame a 2-1 deficit to score twice and clinch the qualification from a stunned Cameroonian side who had expected to qualify as clear winners. Nigeria had a magnificent display by captain Victor Oduah to thank for the fairy tale rebound, who no doubt will be welcomed as a hero back in his home country. In other news Bugunda won against Ethiopia in an upset, Algeria defeated Mali to qualify for their first AFCON, and the United Arab Republic secured a comfortable qualification.}

The Great Game Part 4: A Feast for President Suharto

A dining table sat neatly beneath the comforting shade of a pavilion-like structure built in stone with a roof lined in wood. Support columns held up the pavilion, exquisitely decorated with golden ornamentations at the top depicting floral and other natural patterns. All of it was handmade, carved into the stone supports. The floors were made in tiles, themselves decorated with patterns depicting vines and flowers, carefully drawn by an artist by hand. The table itself however, was Western in nature, imported from Europe. It contrasted almost aggressively with the otherwise natural style of the pavilion, constructed specifically to emulate the Balinese style, itself inspired by Hindu architecture.

Outside, the pavilion was surrounded by carefully tended gardens, fountains constructed in stone and ornamented with guardian statues. Across from the fountain laid a gate carved in stone, the same patterns lining every inch of its construction. Two statues flanked the gates, guardians kneeling and poised to strike with their blades. These statues, made to emulate the ancient dvarapala faithfully guarded the gardens of the presidential palace in Tampaksiring on the island of Bali, just east of the island of Java.

Just across the gate sat a much more imposing building, itself constructed like the palaces of the old Hindu kingdoms of Java. On the outside, its construction was made to resemble a grand palace fit for a monarch of Indonesia’s ancient past, but the interior was a completely different story. On the inside, the palace mixed Western influences, with marbled floors, European furniture from France and Italy, along with modern appliances such as electric lights, chandeliers and other devices. It practically screamed luxury and opulence. The palace had been finished in 1963, but fully renovated by the time Suharto had come to power. The structure itself had come under his personal control and in turn, transformed to his personal tastes.

Somewhere within the halls of the grand palace sat Suharto himself, a lit cigarette on his hand and a document on the other. Just across the circular, wooden table and holding a cigarette himself was Ali Murtopo, the President’s right-hand man and most trusted confidant. Just outside the room, two armed guards, wielding Kalashnikov rifles stood, watching the halls up and down even as known servants with plates of food occasionally marched down it.

“Nasution is getting on my nerves.” Suharto remarked as he brought the cigarette to his lips, his eyes scanning an intelligence report on Malaysia, its adoption of so-called ‘Mazism’ and how that could affect Indonesia in the future. The BIN report was vague to say the least, and its analysis even more so. He frowned as he read it for a second time, realizing that the intelligence agency he himself supposedly controlled was handing him half-baked reports, likely on purpose. It made no sense that agents trained by the CIA themselves would have so little on a country that was practically breathing on the back of their necks. Something was amiss. “And so is Wibowo and his ilk of thugs. They take me for a fool!” Suharto tossed the report on the table, drawing Murtopo’s attention.

“You’ll find this report a bit more interesting, sir.” Murtopo, a yes man by trade, yet deceptively bright for a man who played the role of loyal hound to Suharto handed the President a different document. It was stamped with the presidential seal on the top and signed off by someone Suharto knew from the BIN. Though, the document itself was far from an official one. Or at least, none related to the presidency itself. “The seeds you planted have sprouted at the agency. They’ve helped fill in the blanks.”

Suharto grabbed the report without a word, and his eyes widened a little as he read through it. His right-hand man had once again impressed him, and in turn, Murtopo was happy. This time, Suharto had put his cigarette down, wanting nothing else to interrupt him. The report outlined the dangers Malaysia and even Singapore posed to Indonesia. Malaysia’s ready embrace of socialistic rhetoric and Singapore’s increasingly close relationships with the USSR and communist China could put the country’s influence, power and even its integrity at risk. Sukarno’s war with Malaysia had left deep wounds, the report told Suharto and they predicted that Kuala Lumpur would likely attempt to counter or even spread their own influence through the region at the expense of Indonesia’s. Meanwhile, Singapore’s closeness to Communist countries presented a security threat, one the report stated, would provide Indonesia a tool to procure additional resources and support from the United States. A bargaining chip.

The document held value on its own, but the mere act of procuring all of this information from behind the BIN leadership told Suharto one thing, that the Operational Command for the Restoration of Security and Order or Kopkamtib within his presidential office was effective on its own. He didn’t need Nasution and he didn’t need Wibowo. All Suharto needed was to entrench himself and use Kopkamtib to lead the country and slowly crush those who stood in his way. For now, Suharto was content with what he had, but as the door to the room opened and one of the servants announced that dinner had been served, he thought he could do much more than that.

Much like the feast that awaited him in the garden pavilion, Indonesia was a banquet for the taking. A banquet that was slowly being consumed whole by guests who had long overstayed their welcome. Suharto ate the lavish dinner that awaited him there, with Murtopo joining him. On the table was enough food to feed more than two people, but for Suharto every dish filled with chicken, eggs, rice, and fish was his and his alone. And he intended to eat from each one until not one plate was left untouched, until he could claim every single one. Just as he would claim Nusantara for himself.

SEPTEMBER , 1969
Malaysia's New Development Plan

| Seeking to find a way to improve the Malaysian nation and provide the people with a reason to not side with the communist insurgents. Goh Hock Guan would call upon the entirety of his cabinet once again. To collaborate on the creation of "Malaysia's New Development Plan" |

| The first process towards any iteration of this new plan would be to figure out what their main objectives are. Eventually it was settled on:

– Reduction of overall poverty.
– Nullification of absolute poverty in Malaysian society.
– Improve the capabilities for a Malaysian to find work opportunities.
– Increase Malaysian citizens securing participation in economic activities.
– Improvement in the quality of life of a Malaysian.
– The formation of a strong Malaysian national identity.
– The removal of race based identity as the norm in Malaysian society.
– Preservation of culture in a modern Malaysian society.
– Remodeling of the Malaysian government system.
– Forceful alteration of the Malaysian political landscape. |

| The first thing made for the New Development Plan would be titled the New Economic Policy (NEP) which would be tackling any objectives that are related to economics and business. The aim of the NEP is to "restructure the society of Malaysia, increasing the equality of wealth among Malaysians and reducing foreign dominance in Malaysia's economy. The main problem that is being tackled in the NEP is that the Malays have nearly always comprised a majority of the Malaysian population, however their economic power has rarely been commensurate. It is current estimated that the Malays control only 1.6% of the Malaysian economy, while the non-Malays (mostly Chinese) hold 37.7%, with the rest in foreign hands. Due to this wide disparity, Article 153 of the Constitution requires the government to set quotas for the dispensation of:

– Scholarships.
– Employment in the civil service.
– Anything else that is targeted at improving the economic status of the Malays.

The NEP stepped up government involvement in the economy, with the main goal of increasing Malay economic interests, especially in the areas of manufacturing and mining. To avoid directly hurting Chinese economic interests, the plan focused on huge economic growth, with the goal of expanding both the Malay and non-Malay shares of the economy in absolute terms, while increasing the Malay share in relative terms as well. A sum of RM7.25 billion in total was allocated for the NEP. Which sounds like a lot but is actually less then the Malaysia 5 Year Plan allocation of RM10.5 billion under the Tunku Abdul Rahman administration

Several government agencies that had been established prior to the NEP would have the chance to be more active in the economy due to the goal set forward by the NEP. These agencies includes the Malaysian Industrial Development Authority and Majlis Amanah Rakyat which would play a very crucial role in the NEP as the Majlis Amanah Rakyat helps the Malays acquire more business and work opportunities. Several more agencies would be established under the NEP, which are the National Trading Corporation (NTC), State Economic Development Corporation (SEDC), the Cultural Preservation Authority (CPA) and the Urban Development Authority (UDA). The NTC was established to purchase businesses and participate in joint ventures with private companies, as well as to develop nascent industries to be held in trust until a Malaysian held sufficient capital to take them over. The SEDC serves to oversee how each states economies develops and report back the information. The CPA serves to orchestrate programs to provide incentives for the younger generation to learn about the traditions of their culture as if to not loose their culture as Malaysia modernises. The UDA serves to launch and oversee urban development projects related to business, industry, and housing. It is also tasked with developing urban infrastructure.

In the world of agriculture, it would be decided that the NEP will continue initiatives that previous five year plans, such as the First Malayan Five Year Plan, had taken. Although expenditure on other development increased substantially, by about RM1 million. The funding for rural development was also increased. However the NEP would create a focus on diversifying crops grown in Malaysia.

There would also be initiatives in raising nutritional levels through a series of programs. These planned programs are to generate incentives to grow nutritious food, provide instruction in nutrition and menu planning, and provision of food for groups with the highest rates of malnutrition. Although family planning would be dropped as a goal to be achieved in Malaysia.

There would also be a plan to modernise Malaysian railroads, which the government regarded as crucial to development and industry. As well as a plan for all trains to be converted to use the more efficient diesel fuel, and the government to increase allocations for maintenance and modernisation of the rail infrastructure. In particular, emphasis was placed on upgrading existing rolling stock, roadbeds, and repair facilities. |

| The second thing made for the New Development Plan is the Nation Reform Policy (NRP). The NRP would state that threats to Malaysian stability are three things economic oppression by the large foreign control over the economy, internal political aggression as Malaysian politics is torn between those who support the present administration and those who support the old status quo that Datuk Abdul Razak promises and slow population growth caused by the last administration plan to introduce nation wide family planning into Malaysia.

Malaysian politicians in the past took on the Western view of democracy, which prioritizes individual freedoms over the power of the group. This resulted in politics that are too individualistic and that individual liberty must be broken down so that the people could pressed together to form a united Malaysian identity. This meant that under the NRP there'll be a plan to "heavily oppress" national politics in the pursuit of the goal of a Malaysian identity.

The NRP criticizes the traditional three-branch democratic government for vesting too much power in the legislative branch. Instead opting to implement a system called the Five Power Assembly. The state is divided into five branches: the Legislative Branch, the Executive Branch, the Judicial Branch, the Auditory Branch and the Examination Branch. |

| When the New Development Plan was revealed to the public. Prime minister Goh Hock Guan made a speech on radio:

"National Unity is unattainable without greater equity and balance among Malaysia's social and ethnic groups in their participation in the development of the country and in the sharing of the benefits from modernization and economic growth. National Unity cannot be fostered if vast sections of the population remain poor and if sufficient productive employment opportunities are not created for the expanding labour force."
— Goh Hock Guan, September/1969 |

______________________________________________

September 1969
_{The Traffic Light Coalition}

D I E    B U N D E S R E P U B L I K

AN UNPRECEDENTED GOVERNMENT
_{BONN, THE FEDERAL CAPITAL, FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, New Provenance - MORNING}

| The country waited with bated breath as voters and citizens alike awaited the results of reportedly tense negotiations between the Social Democrats, the Free Democrats and the DfV (popularly now known as the People's Party) on whether or not the elusive, extremely chaotic "Traffic Light Coalition" could be formed. Joshcka Fischer, a student activist and co-chair of the DfV party, ruled out in September any possibility of the DfV forming a coalition with the right-wing opposition Christian Democratic Union party led by Ludwig Erhard. Coalition talks between the SPD, FDP and DfV reached an "advanced stage" on 19 September 1969, more than a month after the election by this time, with sources close to the talks reporting that the key points of contention was support for business tax cuts by the SPD and FDP, and opposition by the DfV, as well as who shall take on the role of Chancellor. Suddeutsche Zeitung (SZ) reported on 22 September that Wolfgang Mischnick was in the running to lead the Ministry of Defense, ruling out the possibility of the FDP taking on the chancellery as a compromise between the DfV and SPD. |

| On 24 September 1969, Die Zeit was the first news outlet to report exclusive information that Willy Brandt would not be continuing as Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany under a Traffic Light Coalition. The shockwaves reverberated throughout the nation as the media mobbed the headquarters of the DfV in Frankfurt, trying to get a glimpse of what many were now expecting would become the next Chancellor. On 25 September, at roughly 8:30 in the morning Frankfurt time, the three parties confirmed a major press conference for later that evening, and the SPD's parliamentary leader, and President of the Bundestag, Carlo Schmid, organized a vote of confidence in a new government for 29 September. At the press conference that evening, with both international and local media present, the Social Democratic Party, Germany for the People, and the Free Democratic Party announced a coalition government with an unprecedented 247 seats in the Bundestag. Furthermore, they announced Mischnick as Minister of Defense, and Willy Brandt as Vice-Chancellor. At the end of the press conference, Brandt solemnly introduced Sophie Scholl as the first female Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany. Outside, supporters cheered jubilantly. At the FDP headquarters, the party celebrated several key Cabinet positions. At the SPD offices, there was a solemn mood. |

| It was reported that the FDP under Erich Mende had, under pressure from the liberal wing of his party, backed Scholl for Chancellor over Brandt in a bid to "show real change". The new coalition government announced their slate of government ministers, the most liberal Cabinet in the nation's history. Ludwig Erhard pledged to "noblely fight on" from the opposition and gave no indication of his intention to retire. On 29 September, by a 247-155 vote, the Bundestag confirmed Sophie Scholl as Germany's first female Chancellor. Die Zeit's headline the next morning read as follows: |

SCHOLL IST KANZLER; VOM WIDERSTAND ZUR FORTSCHRITTSIKONE

SCHOLL IS CHANCELLOR; FROM THE RESISTANCE TO PROGRESSIVE ICON

March 1969
_{Concorde Takes to the Air!}

_{The Guardian International Report - David Fairhall
When Concorde at last reared up for take-off like some monstrous swan, the seething jealousy and public argument in which this project has lived for six years were temporarily forgotten in concern for the aircraft herself}

TOULOUSE, Metropolitan Francais

| When Concorde at last reared up for take-off like some monstrous swan, the seething jealousy and public argument in which this project has lived for six years were temporarily forgotten in concern for the aircraft herself. For watchers on the ground this first smooth climb released a lot of emotion — not least the tensions of a day's pessimistic waiting. Would the morning mist lift? Might not the notorious Garonne Valley wind spring up too soon? Surely that low cloud could not disperse in time? Our anxiety dissolved in a roar of afterburners that silenced the airfield, and scattered the starlings, but left me less worried about Concorde's take-off noise than theoretical predictions had made me. To the test pilot, M. André Turcat, the important thing — or so he claims — was that the real aircraft handled as the flight simulator promised. |

| The supersonic airliner had been in the air for 28 minutes at a modest 200 to 250 knots. A few gentle manoeuvres and careful speed changes. Then, with a gusty wind threatening from the south-east, M. Turcat put her firmly down on his first approach. There were no preliminaries but his practice descent at a safe 10,000 foot altitude on the way round. There is some speculation here tonight that even Turcat's fastidious calm was not immune from the pressures of a big public occasion. The tailwind blowing down the runway must have been right on the limit of what was acceptable as safe for a first flight. Nor is it clear how far the implications of the warning light which caused him temporarily to close down No. 3 engine were explored before take-off. For Turcat even to acknowledge public impatience and a heavyweight official presence as factors in his decision would be out of character.|

| But when he admitted on landing that he might have done a second circuit had the wind not been rising and that the weather was "not perfect", people could be heard asking whether he would have flown this frighteningly expensive prototype at all if left to his engineering judgment. Although expected, I think everyone was struck by the extraordinary way Concorde sat back on landing, nose high like a giant waterbird, to plant her long undercarriage on the concrete. "You can see the aircraft flies," her test pilot said afterwards, "and that it flies pretty well." In his view, this maiden flight has justified the methods applied in its long preparation — no doubt a reference to the fact that had Concorde been a purely British project, the prototype would probably have been flown earlier, but in a less complete state.|

_{Written for the RMB Screen of the}
COMMONWEALTH OF LIBERTY
—

Adriatican Islands
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The Confederate Prussian Empire
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Vietnam sv
Virnall

September 9th, 1969
_{NewAuroria — EVENING}
v
|
September 9th, 1969 Vancouver Bay

On September 9th, 1969, in a grand ceremony at Vancouver Bay, the Royal Canadian Navy (RCN) proudly commissioned its newest flagship, the Dorvania Class Guided Missile Cruiser. This monumental occasion marks the culmination of years of meticulous development and construction, signifying a significant addition to the RCN's naval capabilities. The inception of the Dorvania Class dates back to 1963, with the hull laid down in 1967. After rigorous testing and refinement, the cruiser was launched on April 16th, 1969, heralding a new era for the Canadian Navy. With a length of 179.20 meters, a beam of 18.23 meters, and a displacement of 8,169.017 tons when fully loaded, the Dorvania Class epitomizes maritime engineering excellence.

As the lead ship of its class, the Dorvania Class assumes a pivotal role within the RCN's Pacific Fleet. It serves as a cornerstone of naval power projection, complementing the Acclamator class vessels as the vanguard of fleet operations. Equipped with state-of-the-art sensors and armaments, including the Oceanus System Suite Mk1B and a formidable array of weaponry, the cruiser stands ready to safeguard Canadian interests and uphold maritime security. With a complement of 20 officers and 330 enlisted personnel, the Dorvania Class is manned by a skilled and dedicated crew. Under the command of seasoned officers, the cruiser embarks on its maiden voyage, poised to undertake a wide range of missions, including anti-air, anti-surface, and anti-submarine warfare. Powered by four main and one auxiliary gas turbine, the cruiser boasts impressive speeds of up to 35 knots, ensuring rapid response capabilities.

The commissioning of the Dorvania Class marks a significant milestone in the evolution of the RCN. With its cutting-edge capabilities and formidable presence, the cruiser embodies Canada's commitment to maritime security and global stability. As it embarks on its maiden voyage, the Dorvania Class sets sail towards a future defined by excellence, service, and unwavering dedication to duty. In conclusion, the commissioning of the Dorvania Class Guided Missile Cruiser represents a historic moment for the Royal Canadian Navy. With its advanced capabilities and strategic significance, the cruiser stands as a testament to Canada's maritime prowess and commitment to protecting its interests at sea.

Dorviania Class Specs
|

| V E R E N I G DㅤㅤK O N I N R I J KㅤㅤB E N E L U X
| "ㅤE E N D R A C H TㅤㅤM A A K TㅤㅤM A C H Tㅤ"

Ten goede of ten kwade,
alles verandert en komt tot een einde...

// 14 APRIL 1969, DONDERDAG
DEN HAAG, NEDERLAND //

Ā L E AㅤㅤI E C T AㅤㅤE S Tㅤㅤ:ㅤㅤC H A N G EㅤㅤI SㅤㅤN O W

ㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤㅤ_{Adrian Wolsheijner, a figure both revered and reviled in equal measure, embodied the epitome of enigma in the realm of Dutch politics. Youthful yet steeped in a wealth of experience, he was hailed as a prodigious intellect by some, while others whispered of his shrewdness and cunning. His origins, veiled in the shadows of adversity, painted a portrait of resilience and fortitude. Born an orphan to the widowed Mette Wolsheijner, young Adrian weathered the storms of life within the austere confines of the De Bruijne Orphanage in the quaint town of Dordrecht, nestled in the heart of South Holland. Despite the hardships that defined his early years, there burned within him a fierce determination to carve out his destiny. From the tender age of youth, Adrian displayed an insatiable thirst for knowledge, immersing himself in the study of languages and the intricacies of diplomacy. His formative years were a testament to his indomitable spirit, as he diligently honed his intellect and refined his understanding of the arts, politics, and strategy. With piercing blue eyes that mirrored the depths of his ambition and a mane of dark brown hair that belied his steely resolve, Adrian embarked on his political odyssey at a mere 18 years of age, as a junior member of the now-defunct Reform Nationalist Party. Despite his youth, he swiftly ascended the ranks, his unwavering dedication and sharp intellect earning him recognition within the party's inner circle. As he navigated the hallowed halls of Leiden University, Adrian's passion for politics only intensified, his fervour for change matched only by his commitment to mastering the intricate dance of diplomacy. With each debate and interview, he honed his oratory skills and fortified his political acumen, laying the groundwork for a future marked by ambition and audacity.}

_{Wolsheijner possessed a silver tongue and a mind as sharp as a dagger, wielded his talents in the art of manipulation with finesse and precision. In the cutthroat world of politics, where power was the ultimate currency, Adrian's mastery of debate and persuasion became his most potent weapons, enabling him to bend the will of judicial processes, outmanoeuvre political adversaries, and sway the hearts and minds of the populace to his cause. His ascent to the echelons of power was nothing short of meteoric. At the tender age of 21, he was handpicked by the then-premier Jan de Quay to serve as a councillor for the Privy Council in 1962, a position of immense influence and authority. Over the years, Adrian's counsel proved invaluable to successive administrations, from De Quay to Marijnen and De Jong, as he deftly navigated the murky waters of political intrigue, shaping policies and decisions with a deft hand. In 1966, his meteoric rise reached its zenith when he was appointed as the Head Councillor by Prime Minister Mathijs van Veerenjans, cementing his position as one of the most formidable figures in Dutch politics. During his tenure in the Privy Council, Adrian's influence knew no bounds, as he orchestrated the cancellation of the Surinamese sovereignty referendum in 1964 and quashed the Walloon independence proposal in 1968, among countless other triumphs in the realms of economics, law, and governance. Yet, it was perhaps his shrewd manoeuvring in the realm of immigration policy that truly cemented his legacy. Recognizing the need for skilled labour to fuel the nation's burgeoning economy, Adrian lobbied tirelessly to manipulate immigration preferences, strategically courting guest workers from Italy, Portugal, Spain, Greece, and Ireland while strategically avoiding those from oriental countries, citing concerns over assimilation into Dutch culture.}

_{Adrian Wolsheijner's shadow loomed large over the corridors of power in The Hague, his influence extending like dark tendrils through the heart of Van Veerenjans' ministry. Behind the veil of respectability, he wielded his considerable power with a calculated ruthlessness, manipulating the strings of governance with a masterful blend of blackmail, coercion, and cunning. With a network of connections that spanned the breadth of Dutch society, Adrian held the incumbent prime minister in his thrall, concealing the damning secrets of Van Veerenjans' money laundering scandals and leveraging them to bend the will of the government to his own ends. Like a puppeteer pulling the strings of a marionette, he orchestrated every move from the shadows, transforming Van Veerenjans into a mere pawn in his grand design. As the eminence grise behind the throne, Adrian's influence knew no bounds. Every decision, every decree that emanated from the Dutch government bore the indelible mark of his hand, as he wielded his power with an iron grip that brooked no dissent. Within the hallowed halls of The Hague, Adrian Wolsheijner's reputation preceded him. Already regarded as a respected figure, he had now ascended to a position of unparalleled authority, his formidable influence casting a long shadow over the political landscape. Fear and awe mingled in equal measure in the hearts of his peers, as they whispered tales of his despotic rule over the government and the Privy Council, where every decree passed through his scrutiny before ascending to the august chambers of the Estates General.}

_{As the day of reckoning drew near, the anticipation in the air was palpable. Weeks had passed since millions of Dutch citizens had cast their votes, and now the entire nation, along with Adrian Wolsheijner, stood on the precipice of history, awaiting the outcome of the ballot counts with bated breath. Eyes attached to television screens and ears tuned to radios, the people of the Netherlands hung on every word, every announcement, as the moment of truth finally arrived. And then, like a thunderclap heralding a tempestuous storm, the news broke. Two weeks and three days after the election day that was thought to be a mere skirmish between the established powers of CDA-CDV and the upstart NBS, the verdict was delivered. With a resounding 65.7% of the total valid ballots cast both at home and abroad, the nationalist right populist party, NBS, emerged victorious, securing an outright majority and obviating the need for coalition governance. In the wake of the tumultuous Walloon Crisis, the winds of national conservatism had swept across the Dutch landscape like a wildfire, propelling NBS to a landslide victory and consigning its erstwhile rival, the Christian Democrat Appeal, to the dustbin of history. Amidst the jubilant celebrations of many Dutch citizens, there lingered a sense of trepidation, a gnawing unease at the prospect of Adrian Wolsheijner's ascent to power. His staunch anti-Walloon sentiments and fervent anti-communism-socialism had raised eyebrows and stirred murmurs of concern among the left-wing establishments of Dutch politics. Yet, for others, Wolsheijner's ascension symbolised the dawn of a new era, a rebirth of the glorious Dutch nation under the patriotic banner of the Dutch Social Movement. With promises to safeguard the nation's values and culture from foreign influence and threat, NBS stood poised to chart a bold new course for the Netherlands, guided by the steady hand of Adrian Wolsheijner and his vision of a resurgent Dutch identity.}

_{On the radiant day of triumph, Adrian Wolsheijner ascended the balcony of his resplendent residence in Amsterdam, the beating heart of the nation pulsating beneath his feet. A sea of millions stretched as far as the eye could see, their fervent patriotism palpable in the air as they brandished the glorious orange-white-blue tricolour with unabashed pride. With a smile of victory adorning his face, the young statesman greeted the throngs of adoring citizens with a wave, his presence electrifying the atmosphere with a palpable sense of excitement and anticipation. As he stood tall, bathed in the warm glow of the sun, he raised his voice in a fervent address, his words resonating with grand enthusiasm and unwavering conviction. As he spoke, his words stirred the hearts of all who listened, igniting a flame of hope and renewal within each soul present. With eloquence and passion, he spoke of a future brimming with promise, of a Netherlands reborn under the banner of unity and strength.}

_{“My dear compatriots, my beloved Netherlands. Today, we stand witness to the dawn of a new era, a momentous chapter in our nation's storied history. No longer shall we be shackled by the chains of complacency, nor bow before the false prophets who masquerade as guardians of our heritage. For too long, our beloved fatherland has been held captive by those who lurk among us in sheep's clothing, yet are wolves in disguise. They have preyed upon the goodwill of our people, exploiting our loyalty for their own selfish gain. While they lined their pockets with gold, our fellow countrymen struggled to put bread on the table. But no more, my dear countrymen, for today marks the dawn of a new era of prosperity and progress. Together, we shall reclaim the Netherlands from the clutches of corruption and greed, forging a path towards unparalleled development and prosperity. Our nation shall no longer serve as a playground for the elite, but as a bastion of hope and opportunity for all who call it home. I pledge to you, my fellow Dutchmen and women, to usher in a new era of integrity and accountability, free from the shackles of deceit and deception. Together, we shall build a Netherlands that is united in purpose and unwavering in its commitment to our shared values and aspirations. As we chart a course towards a more united and prosperous Europe, let us never forget that our first duty is to our own nation. We shall work tirelessly, hand in hand, to ensure that the Netherlands flourishes each day through the sweat of our brow and the strength of our resolve. Let it be known that the Dutch lion has awoken from its slumber, ready to assert its dominance and protect our nation from foreign influence and invasion. The people have spoken, and their voice shall be heard loud and clear: Long live the Netherlands! Long live the Dutch spirit!”}

_{With the fervent words of their charismatic leader echoing in their hearts, the jubilant crowds erupted in cheers that pierced the night sky. Flags waved high, and patriotic songs filled the air as the promise of a new dawn for the Netherlands beckoned on the horizon. As darkness descended, it was not merely the end of a day, but the beginning of a transformative journey for the nation. The winds of change whispered tales of daring reforms, poised to reshape the Dutch landscape in ways both profound and unprecedented. The future beckoned, a realm of endless possibilities, where the course of history would be rewritten, and the destiny of a nation would be forged anew. For better or for worse, the Netherlands stood poised on the precipice of change, its fate hanging in the balance as the world watched with bated breath. The news of Wolsheijner's victory reverberated across the European continent in the days that followed, igniting a spark of curiosity and intrigue among neighbouring nations. In boardrooms and diplomatic corridors, whispers of the new Dutch state reclaiming its position as a major power despite its diminutive size spread like wildfire. The world watched with a mixture of awe and apprehension as the Netherlands prepared to carve out its place on the global stage once more, a beacon of hope and inspiration to nations far and wide.}

_______________________________________________

_{Dit is een fictief stukje creatief werk voor}
de GEMENEBEST VAN FRIJHEID [ CoL ]
—

Adriatican Islands
Amsterwald
Anglo channel
Arcanda
Cascadla
Cheezaslovakia
Connomia
East Germany DDR
Great Britain GB
Greater Kurdistane
Hatzburg
Israelli
Kewtpuff
Klingenthalerburg
Kotakuan II
Ma-li
Maziya
Metropolitan Francais
Mutawakkiliti
Nevbrejnovitz
NewAuroria
New Provenance
Nileia
Nippon-Nihon
OsivoII
Paramountica
Paseo
Peking Zhongguo
Pontianus
Provenancia
Ranponian
Rio de la plata argentina
Rutannia
Saudi Arabiyah
Socialist Democratic Republic Romania
Spainard
Spain-
The Confederate Prussian Empire
Vancouver Straits
Victoria Harbor
Vietnam sv
Virnall

_{OCT 1969}

_{^{REPUBLIC OF CHINA | 中華民國}}


ＩＬＬＵＳＩＯＮＳ　ＡＮＤ　ＭＯＶＩＮＧ　ＩＭＡＧＥＳ

T_{he cinema of Taiwan has had a history that it can be proud of, tracing its origins from Japanese occupation in the early 1900s. It wasn't until the Nationalists fled into the island in 1945 that Taiwanese cinema experienced its true starting point however, filmmakers sympathetic to Chiang Kai-shek made their way to the island, refusing to make films under the red banner. These nationalist filmmakers however didn't find the freedom they yearned for, as the KMT prioritized a strict iron first over creative expression, and the film industry suffered as a result.}

_{It wasn't until the arrival of the 60s that cinema became an important cornerstone for the KMT. Recognizing the potential in the industry, and now with the economy having been stable and in fact prospering beyond the wildest dreams of many, time had finally come from a vibrant industry. The first change came with the appointment of Gong Hong as general-manager of the Central Motion Picture Corporation, the state-run film studio and main engine of growth for the film industry. Hong's main contribution came in the form of 'Healthy Realism' (健康寫實電影), an adaptation of the Italian Neorealism genre of filmmaking with a focus on realistic characters, examination of Taiwanese society, and a realist approach to filmmaking. However while Italian neorealismo focused on more darker thematic elements such as poverty, Healthy Realism would emphasize prosperity and harmony.}

_{Healthy Realism of course besides mainly inspiring a higher quality of filmmaking, aimed at serving as propaganda for the KMT. These movies would combine realist and propagandistic elements, thus putting them above an average propaganda film and into something which maintains its own artistic merit despite its thematic elements. Not long after it was officially implemented, the genre took off massively, with a rapid increase in Taiwanese film consumption, leading to an overall higher level of movie consumption in general. Cinemas soon sprung up all over the island, becoming another facet of a growing economy.}

_{The industry of film is one that has proved important to the KMT. So when Chiang received a proposal by his advisors to privatize the 'Central Motion Picture Corporation' (CMPC), to say he was puzzled would be an understatement. However Chiang's ministers had good reason. Firstly, the KMT would stand to gain a lot more from letting the industry - which had become self-sufficient - finance its own productions, both allowing for it to not be restricted by government budgets and also not divert important financial resources away from government. The CMPC would be sold off to Koo Chen-fu, a highly respected businessman and most importantly, a member of the KMT Central Committee. Finally, giving the 'illusion' of freedom would take away from criticisms that the government is restricting filmmakers.}

_{As mentioned these were all illusions of course, the CMPC would only be privatized insofar as merely finding a different financer than government while still maintaining party hold on the company, the movies would still follow strict government guidelines. However not everything was a facade. The privatization plan actually held a far more important distinction than just that, it instead told of a growing bloc within the KMT, that of the businessmen....}

_{In the last 10 years, Taiwan has experienced rapid economic growth. With this rapid growth came the emergence of Taiwanese businessmen, many of whom were hungry for change. Business was the only world where the native Taiwanese could prosper, while government and generally high positions were reserved for mainlanders who emigrated in 1949. This is a fact that many within the KMT have taken note of, and understood to be a threat. The structure of the Taiwanese economy meant that these businessmen would have a voice and be influential, something that would threaten the mainlander hold on power. The solution? Ensuring mainland dominance both economically and politically. Thus, large enterprises, owned by mainlanders, emerged in the last few years, this has also coincided with some Taiwanese businesses being coopted, such as the Koos group owned by no other than Koo Chen-fu. These businesses were already dominant economically, but it was time to ensure their political domination. Slowly but surely, expanding their political web of patronage, with this just the latest such attempt at strengthening the companies, by of course giving them one of the propaganda arms of the state.}
-----------------------------


"If when I die, I am still a dictator, I will certainly go down into the oblivion of all dictators. If, on the other hand, I succeed in establishing a truly stable foundation for a democratic government, I will live forever in every home in China" ~ Chiang Kai-shek

1969년 10월 12일
_{This Is A Call}

_{The Countdown of Mortality}

_{Gyeongbok Palace, Jongno, Seoul}

| The nights had begun to cool off as winter approached, the sounds of the city had faded as most had gone to sleep, a man stood alone as he looked up at the night sky, the occasional blip of aircraft lights interrupting the cascade of stars. Sighing he’d cast his eyes downwards looking to the gardens, although not lit up in their vibrant colours of the summer, the moonlight danced along the waterways and ponds along one to make out shapes and what may lay beneath the darkness. Further back inside the Palace a man walked alone, his footsteps echoing through the empty corridors, following a cold draft the man would make his way to a familiar room sliding open the door. Giving a polite bow to the figure he’d make his way further into the room, only dimly lit by candlelight. |

_{Suzaku Tanaki: “Your majesty, you asked to see me?”}

_{King Haneul: “Ah, Suzaku, yes I did, please come. Do you need a drink at all?”}

_{Suzaku Tanaki: “I’m alright thank you though, your majesty”}

| The King would give a small snort as he poured himself another brandy, gesturing Suzaku to come join him on the balcony, an air of calmness around him. |

_{King Haneul: “Please, call me U, I think we’ve known each other for long enough now.”}

_{Suzaku Tanaki: “O-oh, okay, thank you U. What was it you needed of me?”}

_{King Haneul: “I have a favour to ask of you. As you know I've been to the doctors several times about my cough, Chan-ju has been nagging at me to get it looked at. I'm glad she did. Turns out its cancer, lung cancer to be specific, the outlook is not good. I have a couple of years at best, maybe five if I'm lucky.”}

| The casualness with which the King spoke caught Suzaku completely off-guard, almost believing it to be in jest, his eyes darted wildly over the King. Looking for any sign of emotion, merely being met with the King's blank expression. He'd heard the words correctly, right? |

_{Suzaku Tanaki: “I- I can't believe, I mean, are they sure?”}

_{King Haneul: “Yes. It came as quite the shock to me too, I suppose those years of smoking have finally caught up to me, once again Chan-ju was right, I should have quit. I suppose this is the reality of being mortal.”}

_{Suzaku Tanaki: “You seem quite accepting of this reality?”}

| The King would give a small smile, wrapping his arm around Suzaku’s shoulder, a small smile on his face. Taking a sip of his drink he’d look at Suzaku, no sign of fear in his eyes. |

_{King Haneul: “Well I have had most of the afternoon to process this fact, but I have lived a full life have I not? I fought for Korea's independence; I restored my family to the throne; I have four, well three loving children. I can die with pride.”}

_{Suzaku Tanaki: “I’m glad you’re taking it well, I just worry how everyone else is coping.”}

_{King Haneul: “You are the first to know. That’s why I needed you. You are Hee-seung’s rock, I need you to be there for him when I have departed this mortal realm.”}

_{Suzaku Tanaki: “Me?”}

_{King Haneul: “Of course. Have you not seen the way he looks at you? He loves you Suzaku. Surely you can’t be that oblivious? I don’t entirely understand it myself, but his mother approves, and that is all that matters to me. While you surely understand the public cannot know of his, preferences, but you are his rock and he needs you. That is why I need you. Tomorrow I will tell them all of the prognosis; I need you to be there for him, I need you to always be there for him. I fear my departure from this mortal realm will bring about some problems.”}

| Suzaku would stare out at the gardens clearly overwhelmed by all the information that was now bouncing around his head, his breathing was shaky as he looked up to the King. |

_{Suzaku Tanaki: “I assume you are referring to Prince Cheong.. “}

_{King Haneul: “Indeed, I’m not sure what is going on in his head, but I wouldn’t past him to try something when I depart from this world.”}

_{Suzaku Tanaki: “I- I think I need that drink now.”}

_{King Haneul: “I had a feeling you’d say that, bourbon okay with you?”}

| The King poured Suzaku a drink, as the pair spent the next hour or so chatting as they looked out to the night sky. It had been one of the most unexpected and overwhelming conversations, but it had given Suzaku a chance to prepare for what lay ahead tomorrow. Tomorrow the King would tell the family the news, before informing the close household staff. Suzaku quickly realised he would have to probably clear Hee-seung’s schedule, he wouldn’t make him carry out face-to-face duties given how emotional he would be at the news. His thoughts began to wander, the King had told him that his son was in love with him, his best friend was in love with him, while the King did not understand it, he was happy as long as Hee-seung was happy. Suzaku was going to need several drinks. He felt a sense of dread wash over him as his thoughts turned to the King’s warning, if the King did not trust his own son, how could anyone else trust him? Prince Cheong didn’t seem the type to be petty and vengeful given his public persona as a family man, but a switch almost seemed to flip when he was in the confines of the Palace walls. He was praying that when the King did leave this world that Cheong would just accept the fact that his younger brother was King instead of him. |