Premier of the Central Executive Committee (Governor): The Carusican Federation of Norrs

WA Delegate: None.

Founder: Free jovian republic

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Maps Board Activity History Admin Rank

Most Nations: 1,155th
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    Welcome to Circumference, a progressive-tech roleplay and worldbuilding region.

Announcements: The Roleplay is now open onto the RMB. Please refer to the Date Counter below as well as our regional dispatches for more information.

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Event: The Interwar Period
— All Euralian participants in the Boreal War suffer economic and industrial debuffs.

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    Credit Syrasia/Velleity for the flag.



Embassies: Rhaea and Novum Aurora.

Tags: LGBT, Map, Medium, Multi-Species, Past Tech, and Role Player.

Circumference contains 17 nations, the 1,155th most in the world.

Today's World Census Report

The Nicest Citizens in Circumference

World Census sociology experts studied citizens from various nations to determine which seemed most friendly and concerned for others.

As a region, Circumference is ranked 12,378th in the world for Nicest Citizens.

NationWA CategoryMotto
1.The Confederacy of VepoasCivil Rights Lovefest“Strength through steel”
2.The People's Republic of PolingoInoffensive Centrist Democracy“We arent the best, but we try and that's what matters!”
3.The Commonwealth of De NorrDemocratic Socialists“Liberté, Ordre Public”
4.The Commonwealth of CircumferenceGovLiberal Democratic Socialists“Unity, Discipline, Work”
5.The Kingdom of SveynlandInoffensive Centrist Democracy“Bridging Nations, Strengthening Bonds”
6.The Republic of ShoulingDemocratic Socialists“We must have faith in the masses and the Party!”
7.The Kingdom of VerdeziaDemocratic Socialists“By the guidance of God”
8.The Republic of CRMF CarnoliaDemocratic Socialists“Gott mit uns”
9.The Kingdom of LukowiaInoffensive Centrist Democracy“Through mud and hardships”
10.The Empire of OroraIron Fist Consumerists“八紘一宇”
12»

Regional Happenings

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Circumference Regional Message Board

Post self-deleted by Shouling.

1438 AH | Shòulíng Republic

New Guard

    The allied government between SLMZ and RJD was not working. Nothing was. While many in government hoped the outcome of the elections would help the two parties to compromise between eachother to hopefully bring some stability to the Republic, it in fact did the opposite. While the previous SLMZ dominated government struggled to pass many bills due to coalition backlash, and the RJD-led coalition failed to achieve reforms due to significant lobbying by pro-SLMZ industrialists and politicians, it now meant no laws managed to pass due to near-consistent gridlock in the government. Regardless of which side presented a bill for debate, it would find itself outvoted by the other party, leaving no work complete and a government in disarray. A major crop failure before the 1437 winter season in the eastern plains led to scarce food security among the working class and peasantry, which the government could not act upon. The RJD heavily championed food relief, but the SLMZ immediately shot it down, refusing for the government to get involved into the food market, letting the local businesses foot the bill to provide food for the local populace. Prime Minister Hao Guanyu attempted to call a last minute vote on the proposition after managing to gain critical votes from several SLMZ politicians, but President Xiong Chen immediately shot it down once it was proposed. The act caused an even deeper rift between the SLMZ and the RJD and nearly led to Prime Minister Guanyu's resigning.

    However, as the second half of 1437 was flowing by, the military was getting unsettled now. The persistent economic difficulties in the nation steadily reduced the military's budget from 1436 to 1437 and the officers as well as the soldiers ended up being paid less and less. Despite such difficulties, the military were able to gain into possession new equipment, especially since tensions between Shouling and Orora were becoming more and more prevalent. Many of the higher up officers within the SFA were actually heavily aligned with the RJD, one of which being Field Marshall Xuan Gengxin, who had actually managed to get popular support for Prime Minister Guanyu within the army. But the persistent inability of the government prompted many in the military leadership to start vying for political influence in the republic. By September, many older officers began getting involved in local elections, but that instantly began to clash with candidates from the SLMZ, who attempted to gain political clouts by singling out former military officers as "potential warlords" that would use their influence to break the country apart into autonomous regions. That did little in their efforts to curb the military's influence in politics and, being egged on by the RJD's push for reform, they began using pro-SLMZ officers in the army to begin establishing control in the country through military force, with President Chen and General Lang Xieren using military force to station their presence in both Samhung and the neighbouring city of Gangwei.

    That sparked a panic within both the SLMZ and the RJD as this looked like an attempted coup for the SLMZ to take full control of the nation and forced Prime Minister Guanyu to call a government conference and hopefully establish a compromise. But while President Chen attended the conference along with the majority of the SLMZ representatives, he left General Xieren stationed in Samhung and outright refused to recall troops from the city. With the conference soon turning into an openly heated debate along party lines, the hope for compromise collapsed and Prime Minister Guanyu resigned the next day, which became the final straw for the RJD and they effectively walked out of the Federal Assembly. The withdrawal of the RJD also affected the military, and under Field Marshall Xuan Gengxin, it showed that the only way to establish order was through military force. By the end of September, under orders of Field Marshall Gengxin, General Meng Xuefeng marched the 6th "Xia" Infantry Division into Samhung to displace General Xieren, only for a firefight to break out as both generals and several units from both sides met in the Golden Square in southern Samhung. During the fight, General Xuefeng ordered a full assault on General Xieren's forces. After nearly four hours of fighting, the battle took 59 lives and managed to wound over 100, one of them being General Xieren himself, who took two bullets to his left thigh. Samhung came under complete RJD control and while the SLMZ tried gathering supporters from the military, many became alienated due to SLMZ fierce hands off approach to the economic issues within the country that began affecting the functionality of the economy. Fighting continued throughout October as Field Marshall Gengxin's forces occupied Gangwei as well as establishing firm control over Xieren, Hanying as well as the major northern cities of Jianhong and Xia, effectively establishing his presence as a "warlord", with a significant portion of the Shouling Federal Army behind him. For his efforts, he was awarded as the General Chief of Staff of the SFA, with overall command of the entire army (minus the navy and the air force).

    President Xiong Chen was immediately removed from his position, replaced by Prime Minister Guanyu as interim president. But behind the scenes, the actions of the military have left the RJD in an unstable position. As November ticked over into December, the trigger was pulled, and Interim President Guanyu was pushed out of his position. The new military faction within the RJD ended up splitting from the main party and, with support from Field Marshall Gengxin as well as a big portion of the general staff, they established the Fùbì Zhènxiàn (FZ; Restoration Front), which was led by General Xuefeng, General Zhong Li and former RJD political officer Wan Su. With the 6th "Xia" Infantry Division already holding Samhung, Field Marshall Gengxin and General Xuefeng marched with the additional 9th "Kaenan" Infantry Division into Samhung and proclaimed the resignation of the Interim President, announcing the Gengxin-Sun Declaration and proclaiming a brand new government headed by the Fùbì Zhènxiàn, effectively taking control of the governance in Samhung and the leadership of the Shòulíng Republic by mid-December, with nearly four months of near total political chaos.

    From mid-December to today (as of writing, the end of January 1438), the now dubbed Jingguān government launched themselves into a massive and ambitious reform program. Democratic elections were suspended after the Occupation of Samhung in October 1437 and, after the FZ came into power, Wan Su was named as Interim Chief Governor, with Field Marshall Xuan Gengxin as the Deputy Governor. Remnance of the political faction aligned with the RJD soon became absorbed into the FZ, many having joined the new government. The reform planned called for several areas to be completely restructured:

    • Amendment of the 1407 Constitution concerning the powers of the head of state and head of government
    • Breaking government restrictions in their involvement in the economy
    • Passage of new economic and trade reforms, aiming to strengthen domestic competition against foreign competitors
    • Discarding tax and land privileges for foreign businesses (which will affect Kiberia (Okruzzhensyia), Polingo, CRMF Carnolia and Orora businesses in the Republic), conforming them to universal standardized tax rates as domestic companies
    • Drafting new taxation laws, that would help establish a standardized, consistent rate of tax for different goods, land sizes and income rates
    • Establishing new workplace laws and safety regulations, strengthening child labour laws and establishing pension programs for retired workers
    • Restructuring of the Shouling military branches
    • Restructuring of government ministries and eliminating inter-ministry co-operation on national projects and future reforms

    The series of reforms aimed to untangle the mess of the federal system that was created by the 1407 Constitution, permitting multiple ministries to co-operate on government projects and divide workloads based on given specialties, seek to strengthen domestic companies that were quickly being driven out of the market by much stronger foreign companies, enabling the government to directly intervene in the national economy through any means necessary as well as establishing labour laws that would enhance the safety and work conditions of workers in major manufacturing firms (upon the completion of said reforms, both domestic and foreign companies will be, by law, required to follow these regulations).

    Against all odds, due to the nature they secured power over the governemnt, the Jingguān government was met with waves of popular support, particularly due to the SLMZ-RJD splinter in early 1437 as well as their immediate action to appeal to the needs of the population as opposed to appeasing their target supporters. Many pro-RJD supporters applauded the new leadership for showing intent in helping the national economy back on track and prioritizing domestic companies over favouring foreign competitors. The pro-SLMZ supporters, on the other hand, still held reservations. While many showed some support due to government promises on establishing a functioning bureaucracy, many feared that the military would take total control of the government and that the nation would steer towards an authoritarian dictatorship (*cough cough*... foreshadowing) while major pro-SLMZ industrialists turned their backs against the Jingguān government due to their aims to reform the taxation and worker safety policies, being more concerned with their bottom line and profits over worker conditions. Many also hoped foreigners would be forced to pay more in taxation as opposed to both sides having to pay an equal amount of taxation based on land area and size of labour.

    Despite these factors, the Jingguān government position was shaky. With an internal election coming up for the future leader of the nation, many in the country still weren't entirely sold on the new administration and many in the government feared a possible future insurrection. Many in the lower class in more remote, rural areas were mostly unaware of the political situation in Samhung, so the base of support many opponents of the government could get would mainly be focused on urban centers, many of which were in support of the government. But how the new administration will handle the administration of the nation remains to be seen. But, according to the plan announced, there is new hope that the Republic could establish itself as a formidable nation in the world.

Republika Łukowii - 1437 AH

One Falls, Another Rises

The news from Shouling had arrived at the Foreign Ministry without warning and at an inconvenient hour, carried in dispatches that required two readings before their implications fully registered. A coup. The government that had opened Shouling's doors to foreign investment, that had received Łukowian delegations and signed commercial frameworks, was gone. Replaced overnight by a military council whose first significant economic act had been to strip foreign companies of the preferential arrangements that had made the market attractive in the first place.

The president had not known. This was important and he made sure it was understood clearly in the conversations that followed, not as a defense but as a fact, the Foreign Ministry's intelligence on Shouling's internal political stability had not flagged what was coming, which was its own problem to be addressed separately, but the Shouling opportunity had been presented in good faith because it had been a good faith opportunity at the time it was presented. Coups did not announce themselves in advance to foreign trade attachés.

The oligarchs' displeasure communicated itself through Kovalevsky. The room above the bank had noted the development, had formed its views, and had made those views known in terms that were measured enough to remain within the boundaries of the working arrangement and pointed enough to ensure the president understood that the Shouling account was now considerably overdrawn. Halski's specific observation, that the market which had been offered as a favour in return for a favour had lasted less than a year before this event had rendered it unrecognizable, arrived on the president's desk in Kovalevsky's careful prose and landed with the precision its author had intended.

The president read it, noted it, and had already moved.

The council that had seized power in Shouling had done what normally followed such events, it had nationalized the advantage while keeping the relationship. Foreign companies would now operate under the same legal framework as domestic ones, which removed the preferential margins that had made the investment attractive and left behind a market that was larger and hungrier than most but no longer structured to favor outside capital. The Łukowian companies that had established their initial positions would need to reassess what those positions were worth under the new terms, and the assessments would not be comfortable reading.

However, another thing done with the new government in charge, surprisingly, was a military hardware deal between Łukowia and Shouling.

Shortly afterwards to the events, the Foreign Office had established its normal operations back again in Shouling and had started probing the new government for opportunities. Which came in the shape of a deal for 18 fighter aircraft, The M.13. The project being completed but not seeing any orders, the production line was halted, with only the engines developed by Novaski seeing steady production. So, the only real production challenge currently was to start the construction of the fuselages. Sharing almost every component other than its engine with the M.12 model, it was deemed easy to diverge machines and start the production.

However there was still the problem with the economic priviliges being stripped off. The oligarchs' investment losses in Shouling were real and would need to be absorbed. The president had not caused them and could not reverse them. However, with the aircraft deal opening a new page in the relationship, it was hoped that some compromises and better economic ties could be formed but for the moment, the oligarchs were not happy in the slightest. Which was complicating another matter at home. The upcoming presidental elections expected for early 1439.

The current President had done his best, achieved his promises, but it may be enough if the oligarchs came together and worked against him with a candidate of their own. He needed them to either support him or nobody at all. He had to give them something or find a new market that they could make up the difference at. Just recently the CRMF Carnolia had offered a trade deal, which was ignored, until now. The Carnolian market could be used as a subtitute for the moment, although nobody would like it, but without trying nobody would know what it could make.

He sent a message to both the oligarchs and to the Foreign Affairs, to prepare a plan and start talks with the Carnolians.

There was a sliver of hope in him, that said maybe the Carnolians had changed, and their new nation was more cooperative and well-intentioned than they were during the Empire, but it was only a hope...

Okruzhennsiya - Military Expansion & Economic Recovery - The Path to Okruzhenn-led Globalization

The last few years had been quiet for Okruzhennsiya in regards to global affairs for the most part. Economic recovery had taken top priority, and still there was room for repair. Developments in rapid manufacturing and increased steel production were still early on, as were dockyard and railway expansions across the long eastern coast. Immense political and economic capital had been invested into this rapid "re-industrialization" as some were calling it. What success there already was had almost entirely been from job creation. A combination of a small, yet steady increase of employed citizens, alongside a slumped economy meant that normal consumption was slowly beginning to revive. It is critical however, to understand that the economic slump from nine years ago is not fully over. Consumption and GDP growth still hover under pre-depression levels, and there is a general sense of discontent across the nation. For the ruling class of Okruzhennsiya however, this was both a threat and opportunity. All that was necessary was to take the poor feelings of the nation, and turn them toward an external enemy. Someone to blame, someone to triumph over. A sense of unity that could drive nationalism into the hearts of the people, and money into the economy again. And it was for this reason Okruzhennsiya began to look outward again.

It was true that Okruzhenn capitalists were already making money hand-over-fist. Private industry had expanded into Polingo, Sveynland, and of course Shouling. Steel, oil, and timber extraction had been successful here. Much of which flooded back into Okruzhennsiya to be sold to Okruzhenns. And yet, there were two very real problems. One was Shouling's new government. A military coup. While it was true that Okruzhennsiya was not concerned about the "violation of democracy" in Shouling. It was concerned with a much more real problem. That of its foreign assets. While nothing had been nationalized, its privileged spot in the growing Shouling economy had been snubbed by these economic nationalists. Okruzhenn industrialists had been foaming at the mouth to send a fleet to Shouling shores and "convince" them to agree to the old government's agreements. And yet, how could the Kravchuk administration convice its people that this was a just war? There was simply no stake in it for the average person. Besides, the navy was still in a long-term project. It was not ready to overwhelmingly overrun the Shouling Navy.

A much more convincing problem was Lukowia. They had developed an economic and military agreement with many of Okruzhennsiya's neighbors. While true Okruzhennsiya had deals with these nations of its own, such actions by an openly hostile state could not be ignored. The conditions were perfect. The average person had a threat much closer to home, and the ruling class could even be seen "sacrificing" their investments there. Thus it was settled. A letter was sent to Lukowia, asserting Okruzhennsiya's claim of the northern regions, the regions that had a large Okruzhenn population. This was not about treating people right, but strictly a border issue. The Kravchuk administration therefore made it quite clear it was willing to come to the negotiation table, but remarked rather plainly that it was willing to escalate.

The military developments had indeed borne some fruit in the meantime. The navy expansion plan had already produced three Gnevny class destroyers, three Podvoisky class destroyers, two Kotovsky class cruisers, and two Mikoyan class heavy cruisers, adding the first several ships to the new naval plan. This was in part thanks to the adoption and standardization of electric arc welding for ships, replacing rivets. This enabled a rapid reduction in production time. However, ships could not yet be ran right off the docks and into the ocean. Jobs that were created by this major program were still being filled, factories were still adapting to the new production methods, and some hulls even suffered from brittle steel, causing cracks and production delays, often times holding up entire assembly lines. Yet the adaptation was well underway, and teams were being retrained.

Two aircraft had also been introduced. The I-16 and I-17. Both were similar fighters in terms of weight, armament, and speed. However the range on the I-17 was 100km longer, and its service ceiling was roughly 2,000ft higher than the I-16. A seemingly strange choice to establish production of two similar fighters was made to create strong aviation engineering experience. The Okruzhenn government had given guaranteed contracts to aviation companies, and the state was beginning to debt spend to revive its consumer and military industries.

[covert]
Another letter was sent to CRMF Carnolia. It detailed a congratulatory letter to the newly installed dictator. In it were hopes of economic and industrial cooperation, with Okruzhenn companies willing to open in Carnolia and build war material.

Republika Łukowii - 1437 AH

The Northern Question

The letter from Okruzhennsiya had arrived through formal diplomatic channels to the Ministry. The Foreign Ministry had processed it with the efficiency, and it had reached the president's desk within the hour.

He read it twice. Then he made two calls. The first was to the Foreign Ministry. The second was to Kovalevsky.

The room above the bank filled faster than it usually did. The oligarchs who arrived had not been told the specific contents of what had prompted the meeting, only that it was urgent and that the president himself would be attending, further underlying the situation.

The president did not waste time on preamble. He placed a copy of the Okruzhenn letter on the table and gave the room two minutes to read it before speaking.

"You should know about this before it becomes public" he said. "It will not become public from this room or from my office in the immediate term. What it will become is a matter that requires Łukowia to move carefully and move quickly, and I would prefer to do both with your awareness rather than without it."

Halski set the letter down "The northeast?"

"The northeast" the president confirmed. "Where your companies have been operating and where your housing foundations have been building. The Okruzhenn (Kiberia) administration has chosen to frame a domestic political problem as our territorial problem, which is an old but still usable trick, especially with the minority there."

Drahomirov had finished reading "The timing..."

"Yes" the president said. "The timing."

The timing did not need elaboration. Everyone in the room understood that an Okruzhenn(Kiberia) territorial assertion arriving while Łukowia was approaching an election cycle, absorbing the Shouling losses, and opening tentative conversations with CRMF Carnolia was not coincidental. The Kravchuk administration had either been watching carefully or had gotten very lucky, and nobody in the room believed in such luck.

He laid out what he intended to do in the terms he had decided on during the hour between receiving the letter and calling the meeting.

Łukowia would accept the call for talks. Not in Łukowia and not in Okruzhennsiya(Kiberia) but in Sveynland, on neutral ground, at a time and in a format that Łukowia would propose rather than accept. The acceptance would be communicated through diplomatic channels in language that acknowledged the letter's existence without acknowledging the legitimacy of its claims. Okruzhennsiya(Kiberia) wanted to negotiate. Łukowia was willing to talk. These were not the same thing and the distinction would be maintained throughout.

Calls were sent out to Orenia (Polingo) through the mutual defense framework established in the comprehensive agreements. To let them know of the situation and start their own preparations, which Łukowia was hoping would be towards helping their ally.

The oligarchs were asked to begin quietly preparing their northeastern operations for a prolonged period of uncertainty. Not evacuation, not panic, just preparation. Supply chains reviewed, local management briefed, contingency arrangements made without announcing that contingency arrangements were being made. The appearance of normal business continuing was itself a strategic asset and the president asked that it be maintained for as long as it credibly could be.

What the president did not mention in the room above the bank, because it was not a matter for that room, was what was being set in motion simultaneously through the military's northern command.

The assessment of Łukowia's military infrastructure in the north had been uncomfortable reading. The nation's defense investment had been oriented westward against CRMF Carnolia since independence; the fortifications, the road networks, the airfields, the supply depot positioning, and the northern flatlands that represented Łukowia's most geographically vulnerable frontier had received the attention of a direction from which serious threat had not been expected. That assessment was being revised.

Three airfields were to be established in the northern region. Two dirt strip facilities capable of handling fighter and light bomber operations, positioned to provide air coverage across the most likely approach corridors from the Okruzhenn(Kiberia) border. One tarmac airfield, more permanent, more capable, built with the infrastructure to support sustained operations rather than emergency deployment. The construction was to proceed without announcement and without the kind of official procurement process that generated public documentation; military engineering units handling what could be handled internally, civilian contractors used only where necessary and briefed accordingly.

Ground installation work would follow the same quiet pattern. Supply depots, field communications infrastructure, hardened positions at key road junctions that the flatlands' open terrain made operationally significant. None of it would look, from the outside, like preparation for a specific threat. All of it would function as exactly that.

Two infantry divisions in the northern region were placed on alert status through orders going through normal channels. Their readiness posture changed in ways visible to their commanding officers and invisible to anyone not looking for them; supply levels topped up, leave cancelled on administrative grounds, training schedules adjusted to emphasize the kind of exercises relevant to defensive operations on open terrain. The divisions remained in their positions. They were simply more ready in those positions than they had been the week before.

One of the Tank-Hunter Tankette Brigades was ordered to begin a movement toward the northern region that was logged as a training redeployment. The tank hunter units had been designed for exactly the kind of mobile defensive action that the northern flatlands would require if the situation deteriorated; fast, capable of screening infantry positions, and able to engage armored incursions without the logistical footprint of heavier armor. Moving one brigade north now, quietly and under a training designation, positioned the capability without the provocation of an announced military buildup.

The northern frontier had been Łukowia's blind spot since independence. It was being addressed with the urgency, which would hopefully never be needed.

In the Foreign Ministry the response to the Okruzhenn(Kiberia) letter was drafted and redrafted through the afternoon, each version reviewed against the standard of whether it communicated Łukowia's position clearly without giving Okruzhennsiya(Kiberia) anything it could use. The final version accepted the invitation to talks, proposed Sveynland as the venue, suggested a timeline of the Foreign Ministry's choosing, and contained in its careful diplomatic prose not a single sentence that could be read as acknowledging that the northern regions were anything other than sovereign Łukowian territory.

It was sent before evening.

The president returned to his office afterward and sat after such a busy day ordering a coffee to be sent to his office. The CRMF Carnolian trade conversations were still on the table. The election was still approaching. The Okruzhenn(Kiberia) letter was now answered and the answer was now traveling toward its target.

Whether that response was sufficient for what was coming was a question the northern flatlands would eventually answer. For now it was the best available, and the president had learned, in the years since taking office, that the best available was usually what governing actually meant...

Prime Minister Resignation, Jeppe takes Office
Ny Skölm, Sveynland – March 09, 1438
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Last month, news emerged from the Parliament Building in Ny Skölm that Mio Mathisen had resigned. In his place, prominent Social Democrat member and Sveynish veteran, Jeppe Strøm took office as Prime Minister. Following another victory in the past general elections, the coalition between the Social Democrats and the Farmer's League remained intact. Despite Mathisen's formal and peaceful resignation, many Social Democrats have come forward exposing the change of leadership. Many have stated that due to Mathisen's relative decline in public popularity, a few controversial decisions, and his foreign policy misalignment, he was urged to resign. Ultimately, he agreed to resign and went out exceedingly peacefully. Following his resignation, Jeppe Strøm was made the SDP's leader and, accordingly, Prime Minister.

"Mathisen wasn't a bad Minister at all. We just needed someone else to fill the role to achieve the nation's goals," stated Vilde Stigsson, an SDP Parliament Member. Following his resignation, statements were gathered from the population regarding their feelings on his premiership. Although opinions were mixed, many asked felt that he was not inherently a bad Prime Minister but became a neutral figure. A Prime Minister concerned with appeasing all sides rather than pushing agendas forward at a good pace.

When the news of Jeppe Strøm's role as the new Prime Minister broke, many Social Democrats, and even some conservatives, were jubilant. Strøm had been a fairly tolerated politician by the conservatives due to his stance on a well-developed Sveynish military. Many conservatives, including those who served, looked fondly on his previous military career. Although no war hero or grand general, Strøm did make an effort to serve as soon as he was able to, at the age of 17. His start in 1414 meant his career was partially served during the Boreal War. Although Sveynland did not enter the war, that period saw an increase in colonial uprisings and eventually led to the end of the Sveynish Empire's reach. Following his military career, he entered politics as a Social Democrat in 1423 at the age of twenty-six. He never served in a cabinet but rose through the party, becoming a fairly prominent figure well liked by the party's members.

Jeppe Strøm's ascension into office can mark a new era for Sveynland, and although he has not stated any agenda or plans, many are eager to see what his premiership will bring.

1438 AH | Kingdom of Verdezia

Fuel for the fire

    Since the engine debacle of 1436, the last two years have been very quiet for Verdezia. On the surface, the country was quietly working on improving its economy and its social policies. The economy has managed to grow by leaps and bounds compared to the early 1430s. While on the surface it may seem like genuine urban and industrial development, but behind the scenes, the majority of the economic growth stemmed from aggressive military rearmament, pushed forward by the Royal Junta. Throught 1436 and 1437, numerous proposed projects have been approved for development and, after the signing of the Pact of Friendship with CRMF Carnolia, began utilizing more and more of Carnolian technical expertise in their military projects. Many observers in the military observed the current positions both nations were in and, in an event of war, the objectives of naval warfare would fall squarely on Verdezia.

    In January 1438, after witnessing incredible growth of the Verdezian economy, something that hasn't been seen since the mid-1420s, many economist noted intense state intervention in the economy along with great emphasis being done on public works. Many also noted greater exploitation of resources in Verdezian colonies, such as the expansion of the oil industry in Pietrana (the northern colony) as well as greater involvement in the long neglected colony of Fotigi (the southeastern colony), expanding infrastructure as well as greatly increasing any agricultural potential the land had to give, though results were mixed. Industrial sectors were given priority and heavy industry was greatly expanded, mostly relating to metallurgy, industrial equipment manufacturing and expansion of state arsenals to provide for the ever growing military. Funds from both internal and external sources (such as foreign investments and overseas operations) were often split between public works, state investments, the military or the ever expanding state welfare projects. While Verdezia greatly ephasized on supporting the Verdezian population through state-backed insurance, financial security for individuals such as disabled and injured workers as well as pregnant mothers, many noted that while the projects did seem large on the surface, behind the scenes it was grossly discriminatory, with pure-blood Verdezians receiving most benefits while foreign nationals and, most significantly, Otherlings, were largely excluded from any government-backed support, being stripped of traditional safety nets. Many of these polocies played into the state-backed propaganda program that played a part in strengthening Verdezias rearmament as well as giving off a caring image to show the Royal Junta took great lengths to care for its population. Programs such as the Iron Safety and the "Healthy Body, Healthy Mind" projects provided subsidized vacations, cultural events and sports activities for Verdezian workers as well as focusing on upgrading working conditions in factories, providing expanded meal options, better lighting and ventilation and washroom facilities, all in a bid to boost morale within the working population.

    The military saw an unprecedented level of government involvement, not seen since the Boreal War. All three branches saw significant increases in budgets as well as having several projects be greenlit for development as part of the Tripartite Plan (consisting of Plan E, Plan M and Plan A). Plan E was a branch of the Tripartite Plan that focused entirely on the Royal Verdezian Army, approving projects for new infantry weapons, artillry as well as armored and utility vehicles. Throughout 1436 and 1437, numerous projects were accepted for development to address several shortcomings for the existing arsenals, which included a brand new service rifle, a semi-automatic rifle, a new submachine gun, two new machine guns (one of which would be specifically designed to be fitted to armored vehicles), new field guns and howitzers, a dedicated anti-tank gun (a significant addition that would also lead into tank development), along with four new armored vehicles. Plan M focused on the Navy and feautered a large, and very ambitious, fleet of ships the RVN wanted to acquire to potentially take the fight to the major fleets in Euralia. Plan A meanwhile focused on the expansion and modernization of the Air Force. The entire Tripartite Plan was originally conceived in 1436, but several projects started prior to the year were also included in a bid to standardize weapons development and prevent contradicting documentation, bringing everything under the jurisdiction of the Royal Military Commission (Comisión Militar Real).

[COVERT]

    PLAN A

    As 1437 came to a close and the first few days of January of 1438 started ticking down, reports came trickling in to the CMR and the Royal Junta, documenting all the progress done regarding the ongoing military projects. Several weapons have already been completed and accepted for active service while others listed detailed reports of their ongoing development as well as reported issues and drawbacks. The new service rifle, an extensively upgraded version of the in-service Mallén Modelo 1895 has been accepted into service as far back as 1436, dubbed the Mallén Modelo 1895/36. Production was ongoing and several units in the army have already been upgraded to the most recent rifle specification. However, it has been noted that the full need of the army would only be fulfilled by 1440/1441 and even then, the stockpiles would include few examples of the most up-to-date rifle, which was seen as a minor issue. Additionally, the new Gomis-Vergara M1437 heavy machine gun has also been introduced a few months prior in early Autumn 1437. Starting production had a few hiccups, mostly dealing with the operation system, which frequently jammed due to easily collecting debree. While the arsenal had an easy solution for fixing the issue, it would take a few months to re-fit the already produced rifles to the new specification. Other weaponry such as the new semi-automatic rifle were aimed to be ready by 1438. However, frequent issues with the magazine and the loading system greatly delayed proper field testing and serial production, with engineers saying that the rifle may only become available for service in 1440, almost two years later than when it was originally anticipated, putting a rather significant dent in reforming several infantry units within the RVA. Apart from infantry weapons, artillery saw some progress, though many projects reported issues with the still limited heavy industry as the factories focused on catching up to the demand. The only artillery piece, the Besende Modelo de Cañón 37 field gun, managed to reach production before 1438. The 75mm gun was set to become the standard field gun for infantry units, replacing the older 07, 12 and 13 models. Other artillery pieces, such as the heavy field guns and heavy howitzers, reported development issues regarding the cannon tubes, citing issues sourcing adequate materials that would be fit to utilize in the development of the cannons. While development was still ongoing, many reported that the heavy artillery would only be ready for introduction by 1440. However, despite such issues, the Obús Pesado Modelo 38 from the Besado Arsenal, a massive 210 mm heavy howitzer gun, was expected to begin service life by mid-1438, though production was expected to begin slowly with ongoing material sourcing issues.

    A major breakthrough did come with the introduction of the Mesonero Modello 37, a dedicated 37 mm anti-tank cannon, which coincided with the development of Verdezia's first tank since the Vaca M22/T6 all the way back in 1422. The development of the Modello 37 become a strong focal point that help lead the development of local tank projects, one of which finally bore fruit in 1437 in the form of the M37/T8 infantry tank. The M37/T8 is a light infantry tank primarily designed to, as the name classification suggests, travel alongside and support infantry. The tank was developed in two variants, with the Tipo A being armed with a 20 mm autocannon and the Tipo B being armed with the new Modelo 37 37 mm anti-tank gun, the later variant being primarily used against encountered tank formations while the Tipo A being suited for light attacks against infantry units and utility vehicles. Both variants had secondary armaments of two 7.92 machine guns for additional support fire. Powered by Vida 6-cylinder engine, a good design on paper, field tests showed serious drawbacks. The rather slim treads led to reduced performance off road and, while 25 km/h was seen as adequate for running alongside infantry, it was seen as lackluster for a lighter tank. This is what ultimately led to it also being classified as a dedicated infantry tank. The tank was also lightly armored, with a maximum of 15 mm of armor in the turret as well as the front. While the drawbacks were noted, production was still set to begin in early 1438 in a bid to build up Verdezias armored vehicle arsenal, still being seen as a step up from the antiquated M22/T6. The 37 mm anti-tank gun was also fitted to another project introduced for production in 1437, the Valdueza T37M armored car. Unusual in design, it featured a full on tank turret above its cab, derived from the M37/T8, fitted with a 37 mm anti-tank gun. Designed and produced by Fábrica de Automóviles Valdueza, several batches have already been produced and began being introduced into several units. While having a very punchy 37 mm for its main armament, coupled with a 7.92 mm machine gun for additional fire, many saw it as an odd inclusion for an armored car. An alternative Tipo A variant, armed with a 20 mm autocannon, the same as the M37/T8, was seen as preferrable as armored cars weren't expected to enter combat against enemy armored units, but be used purely for scouting and reconnaissance, utilizing the T37Ms high top speed of 60 km/h on road. Nevertheless, Valdueza persisted that having a second variant armed with a dedicated anti-tank gun could be valuable in case of emergency if the armored car ever found itself facing enemy armored units and needed to delay their formation. Another project that eventually bore fruit towards the end of 1437 was the Vaca M38/T4, a light cavalry tank. Designed independently by Vaca (the M37/T8 being designed by the Industrias Militares Reales (IMR), a state-run heavy vehicles company, it was a lightly armored, fast 4 tonne light tank armed with one 7.92 mm heavy machine gun and a 7.92 mm light machine gun for additional support. With 40 km/h of top speed on roads, its off-road speed of 20 km/h left much to be desired as a planned cavalry tank. With thin armor (upwards of 12 mm), it was planned to be used as a reconnaissance tank and to engage against infantry units, but the low off-road speed offered an obstacle to be used effectively in terrains with no available roads. Despite that major drawback, the Valdueza 6-cylinder engine exceded expectations, offering surprisingly good fuel economy and reliablity at the expense of power, offering only upwards of 55 horsepower, which some said explained its low off-road speed, but many also pointed to the thin tread design as also being the culprit. Both the M37/T8 and the M38/T4 are expected to begin production in late spring/early summer of 1438, aiming to replace the outdated not!FTs and M22/T6s in the RVA.

    PLAN M

    Plan M was, by many experts, seen as the most ambitious of all the projects in the Tripartite Plan. Verdezia had a strong naval heritage, but due to a lack of sufficient heavy industry as well as the events of the not!Great Depression, the navy saw little, if any, expansion since the Boreal War. Plan M aimed to address that, being spearheaded by Admirals Neizan Morata and Enrique Burgos. Both were fascinated about Boreal-era naval warfare and have come to the conclusion that battleships have become a risky investment, shown by the hesitation of the Great Powers during the war to engage in large battleship battles. However, neither of them were entirely convinced the concept was falling out of favor. Additionally, both have been deeply fascinated about the idea of aircraft carriers, with some junior officers (such as Commodore Enzo Juárez, known for his actions during the Fotigi Rebellion) about the Jeune École doctrine of naval warfare. But these conflicting ideas showed clashes during drafting of Plan M, leading to a very ambitious and bloated objective for the Royal Verdezian Navy. The plan went as follows: four destroyer classes, three light cruiser classes, five heavy cruiser classes, one battlecruiser class, one heavy battleship class, one aircraft carrier class and five submarine classes of varying specification. Plan M showed a deep split in doctrinal thinking, with the large number of heavy ship classes showing an old school of thinking, believing firepower over all would trump rival navies, while a younger school of officers focused on the introduction of smaller destroyers and light cruisers for fast paced, assymetrical style of naval warfare focused on commerce raiding as well as taking on larger ships with groups of smaller vessels. Despite this deep division, some vessels were eventually ordered into construction and commissioned between 1436 and 1438.

    The first of the new ships were the Elvandra-class and the Pacenza-class of destroyers. The Pacenza-class followed standard Verdezian design cues for destroyers, weighing at 1,800 tonnes and being loosely based on its predecessor, the Velocidad-class, but fitted with newer spec engines, uprated armaments and a slightly enlarged hull. Greenlit for construction in 1436 with plans to build a total of eight, the first vessel, the Pacenza, was launched in early 1437, with four additional vessels of the class following suit (those being Sambuesa, Montilla, Ayerbe and Ocaña, with the remaining three set to enter service by early 1438. The Elvandra, meanwhile, was a bit of a divergence from traditional destroyer designs of Verdezia. With many opposing construction of such a large amount of ships, the old school of thought began compromises with the younger officer core in the Navy, out of which eventually came the Elvandra, a class of large destroyers weighing upwards of 2,500 metric tonnes in weight, primarily designed to be primary hunters of light cruisers. For its size, it was also praised for its high top speed of 37 knots and possessed a very punchy armament of five 138.6 mm (5.5 in) main guns. A total of six vessels were ordered in 1436, but only three began construction at that point, with the final one being put under construction mid-way through 1437. By January 1438, only a single vessel, the lead ship Elvandra, was completed for testing, with the remaining two nearing completion and the fourth one being about half-way done. Light cruisers were also subject to extensive debate. One issue raised by several officers was the concentration of the majority of naval units in the Verdezian homeland, leaving the colonies particularly vulnerable to naval attack. One proposal several years ago was the expansion of dedicated destroyer and torpedo boat flotillas to focus on coastal mining and coastal defense. However, should Verdezia face off against a superior naval rival, those flotilas would have little value in fending off stronger fleets. These reasons were the driving force behind planning of new light cruisers, which would focus on raiding commerce of distant colonies to isolate overseas territories from the mother country of naval rivals. Three light cruiser clases were proposed, with two eventually entering construction in 1436 and 1437 respectively. The first was the Viento Eterno-class light cruiser. This warship class followed Aberllyn way of naval design, being loosely based on the older not!Emerald-class cruisers. To save weight and space on-board, the ship was designed with a linear arrangement of boilers, giving it a slim, sleek appearance. Additionally, it featured more powerful 203 mm guns in one three-gun turret and two two-gun turrets, giving it substantial firepower for a light cruiser and weighed upwards of 8,000 metric tonnes with a top speed of 33 knots. Two were eventually laid down in 1436 with plans for an additional two ships. However, shifting priorities eventually led to the cancellation of the third and fourth ship in late 1437. Both Viento Eterno-class crusiers are still under construction as of the start of 1438, with the first ship expected to be completed by the end of August. The second class of cruisers was the Fortaleza-class light cruiser, which followed more the traditional Verdezian design. At 7,500 metric tonnes of weight, it featured four tripple-gun turrets armed with 152 mm (6 in) guns and also faturing a catapult as well as deck space for two dedicated maritime patrol aircraft. Being lighter and less resource demanding than the preceding Viento Eterno-class, four ships of the class were ordered in 1437 to be constructed. However, only two were laid down in mid-1437 with the other two still yet to be layed down as of the start of 1438. The ships under construction are set to be completed by late 1439/1440. The most heated debate was regarding the heavier ships of the fleet, specifically the heavy cruisers and battleships. While many in the older, more experienced officer core pushed for a new battleship class to supplement the current under-construction Vitoria-class (with the first ship of the class, Vitoria, expected to be launched within the coming month), even going so far as drafting design ideas for the proposed Gloria-class and sending it to arsenals, with two designs nearing completion, the Departamento de Diseño de Buques de Guerra de la Marine Real (Royal Navy Warship Design Department) ultimately rejected plans for a new battleship, leaving the incomplete plans for the class on the shelf for future debates. Heavy cruisers were more contested as both pros and cons couldn't quite outweigh each side. While the construction of heavy cruisers was intensive due to the requirement of resources, their designs offered a punchy primary armament that could rival larger ships, coupled with the high speeds needed for commerce raiding. Out of the heated debate, what was eventually planned was the Almirante Sabaté-class heavy cruiser, a 16,500 metric tonne ship armed with three tripple-gun 203 mm turrets. Additionally, it featured a catapult system and facilities for three maritime patrol aircraft. Many disputed the class from being accepted into production as Verdezia already possessed the Ruiz-class heavy cruiser introduced in the early 1430s. But even despite that, the class was ordered into construction, with two ships being ordered, each from a different shipyard to handle such a large order. Both are set to be laid down for construciton in 1438 and are only expected to be completed in 1441 if everything goes according to plan.

    The final addition that was accepted into construction was a brand new warship that Verdezia never really had much experience in. Throughout the mid-1430s, Verdezian naval personnel heavily studied Aberllyn and Norr aircraft carriers to learn about the type of warship. With the entire dossier compiled by late-1436, being a rather new type of warship and some believing them to be a potentially critical type of warship in the future, especially for enlarging the area of air power a nation could bring to the front, it was rather quickly accepted into development. Named the Campeón-class, the development of the new warship was messy due to the conflicting demands of the RVN. Eventually, after three whole re-drafts of the proposal, the ship was designed to weigh around 24,000 metric connes, was 235.5 m in length and have enough facilities to house upwards of 50 dedicated naval aircraft (specifically dive bombers and naval fighters). Additionally, it had a very ambitious and bloated amount of armaments, with upwards of eight 135 mm (5.3 in) guns and a whoping 124x 20 mm anti-aircraft machine guns. By mid-1437, due to the already stretched naval budget with the construction of destroyers as well as light and heavy cruisers, only a single ship was ordered, Campeón, which was laid down at the Alameda Brothers Engineering Company Shipyard in Cartegre in September 1437.

    PLAN A

    The plan for the Air Force was dubbed Plan A and was by far the most structured. This was due to the fact that the air force was a rather small branch up until the early 1430s. Headed by the reorganized Consejo Real de Aviación (Royal Aviation Council), Plan A was structured into several different points, each of which specified requirements and specifications for each type of aircraft. This was then compiled into a dossier and sent out to different aircraft manufacturers around Verdezia, with each company being brought on for different types of aircraft. With the Royal Verdezian Air Force being rather small in size and half of their inventory being sourced from foreign suppliers, the CRA specified requirements for these different types of aircraft: a dedicated air superiority fighter, a ground-attack/army support aircraft, a heavily armed high altitude escort fighter/heavy interceptor, medium tactical bomber, a multi-purpose aircraft (designed for tactial and torpedo bombing, night fighting and reconnaissance), a long-range heavy bomber, a reconnaissance floatplane that could also perform bombing runs, an advanced trainer to supplement the growing training fleet and (after the 1437 Plan M amendment for the aircraft carrier) a dedicated carrier-capable dive bomber. Several different companies answered the call, including Fábrica de Aviones de Fontana, Fábrica de Máquinas Hidalgo-Sáenz, Aviones Iluminación and Fábrica de Aviones Díez. Despite two years of development and utilizing several reports of foreign aircraft from observers sent to foreign parades and show festivals, only one of the requested aircraft became ready by 1438. Already utilizing on their existing models in production as well as reports of foreign aircraft, Fábrica de Máquinas Hidalgo-Sáenz began testing of their brand new Hidalgo-Sáenz HS.4 dedicated ground attack aircraft. Powered by a single Vida Tipo 36-R18-A 18-cylinder engine, it outputted a maximum of 975 horsepower and was capable of carrying upwards of 400 kg of bombs. Throughout testing, it was equipped with an older Vida Tipo 32-R18-F engine, outputting only 800 horsepower, and numerous issues with the engines were reported and tests were often cancelled due to frequent fuel leaks. During a test flight, test pilot Captain Angel Castellano performed a daring high-G maneuver, during which his radio equipment came loose, jamming the controls and sending the aircraft spinning into the ground, destroying the fuselage and killing the pilot. An updated prototype with the Vida Tipo 36-R18-A engine began testing two months later and, by September 1437, it was deemed acceptable and was immediately put into production, with the first units receiving the HS.4s by Spring 1438.

Back-to-Back
1438 AH

The past days in the offices have been messy, everything happening at once, first the Shouling coup, and now the (Okruzhennsiya)Kiberia claim on north of Lukowia, this was not good at all, the president and everyone in the office have been working overtime to figure out on how to deal with the current issues.

Firstly the shouling coup, this was put on the side due to bigger issue of Okruzhennsiya claim on lukowia, the president still knowing how to take in this situation, but decided it would be best for now to leave that case alone, however leaving the companies in a shock due to the tax and land benefits being stripped from them, Silvestr kral has sent them a letter promising to take care of the situation once the other issues are dealt with.

Secondly the northern lukowia claim, well this was a more complicated situation which could lead to certain consequences if the wrong move was taken. The president has heard all of the generals and officers opinion on the situation, the most popular of the options being

1. Send in majority of the army and air force to prove that Oren will not back down and show the support of their ally
2. Let the Lukowians deal with it and leave Oren out of it, however this would prove Oren is weak and unwilling to go to war
and the final one...
3. Send in decent size army for "peacekeeping", and send over half of the current air force to lukowia incase of a full on war

the president choose the 3rd option, pointing out it makes the most sense out of the 3 plus not escalating or showing oren has no will for war.

And so the preparations begin, slowly transport planes get ready to transport orenian soldiers to lukowia, aproximately 75,000 alongside support weaponary such as artilery and as well tanks. Lukowia has asked for 160 tanks, and the Orenian plan is to send 80 of the current in stock LT-35 tanks to them and send 80 LT-38 tanks once available, first shipment planned a month and currently unknown for LT-38 batch.

Afterwards that was taken care of the president was informed that the LT vz. 38 was ready for production while the medium tank will be available in around a few months alongside the new fighter.
However the support air craft would take an additional 3 months after the fighter to start production.

And with that much military production the president decided to invest into the military industry to keep up with the amount of production being made.

On other news navy has been informed of their promised destroyers and cruisers to be built by Verdezia however it would take up to 3 years to receive all of the promised ships. This agreement was made around on April 2th by Oren and verdezia, this move was made by Oren to fix the relationships with the two countries after the engine incident in 1936.

      COMMONWEALTH DU NORR
      NORR COMMONWEALTH
      1429-1438

    LAND OF ANGELS — NORR COMMONWEALTH;
    THE TROUBLES

     
        "A riot in Norr is one of the most remarkable things in the world. The frenzied combatants maintain perfect discipline. Seventeen people were barbarously killed, and several thousand injured, but there was no fighting at all between about seven-thirty p.m. and nine, when everyone took time out for dinner. When it started, no one thought of revolution; it was just a nice big riot. Communists, royalists, Fascists, socialists, fought shoulder to shoulder under both red flag and tricolor against the police and Gendarmerie. The fighting stopped on the stroke of twelve, because the Vaurenne Underground Metro stops running at twelve-thirty, and no one wanted to walk all the way home. Bloody, bandaged, fighters and police jostled their way into the trains together. Promptly at seven-thirty next morning the fighting started again."
        — ALPHONSINE CHARRON, Journalist on the Great Depression riots in Vaurenne between 1434 and 1436.

         

 
    THE SUN SQUARE
    Vaurenne, De Norr

    BACKGROUND | When the Great Depression had initially hit Euralia in the late 1420s, Norr was conspicuously left the only one to be virtually untouched for the first couple of years. The last of the countries to be hit, Norr wouldn't feel the shock of the Great depression until 1434, when successive financial failures by the Soleilist Party led to a significant spike in indebtedness, an increase in unemployment, and a subsequent decrease in production.

    The Soleilist response was lackluster, especially as other countries effected by the Great Depression had already begun to recover, leading to a significant drainage of investments in Norr. While the successive Soleilist governments had initially tried to institute deflation measures, the last Soleilist government had given up and accepted the existence of public deficits. This, however, didn't stop the Soleilist government from cancelling many government programs with the intention of trying to recover the government's financials. Chief among the cuts was to the Royal Commonwealth Forces. The Royal Commonwealth Navy's newest battleships under construction, a pair known as the N3601-class, were cancelled and were initially slated to be scrapped by 1341 alongside the remainder of the Pan-class battlecruisers, of which 3 were already completed. Additionally, the design and production of new tanks and equipment for the Royal Commonwealth Army had also been cancelled for the most part, with the funding for the RCA being directed primarily towards field guns, bunkers, and firearms. While the Royal Commonwealth Army Aeronautical Service didn't necessarily receive any cuts to the acquisition of aircraft, a few prospective programs for future fighter aircraft were cancelled.

    APRIL 1436 INCIDENT | The last straw was when the Soleilists attempted to reduce the pay of workers across Norr whilst further increasing the normal amount of working hours. Many unions pressed back and between 2 and 8 April 1436, a successive string of demonstrations led to the April 1436 Incident, in which rioters and Gendarmerie clashed in the Sun Square of Vaurenne. Thousands were injured and the Soleilist government was forced out of power later that month by a snap election. They were promptly replaced by a coalition between the SNIO (Norr Section of the Workers' International) and Radical-Socialists.

    LEFT COALITION GOVERNANCE | The so-called "Left Coalition" began their work immediately, largely undoing the attempts by the Soleilist government to reduce pay and heighten the number of hours worked, instituting a strict 40-hour work week and raising the minimum wage of the country. Among other social changes were also the codification of holidays-with-pay for a few select holidays in Norr.

    In 1437, Ségolène Thayer, the Prime Minister of Norr under the Left Coalition, was given emergency powers by Parlement and began instituting more drastic reforms. The most severe of the policies was the addition of strict exchange controls, intending to halt the outflow of capital from Norr and attempt to stabilize the Nord. Additionally, the Left Coalition would nationalize many companies seen as "important to national defense", particularly shipyards and aircraft manufacturers. While this didn't result in an immediate revitalization of the cancelled programs of the Soleilists, eventually the Left Coalition would order the two unfinished N3601-class battleships to be converted into carriers, with an additional two purpose-designed carriers ordered. This was also done alongside a state-sponsored industrialization of Norr, as Thayer and the other SNIO members of government saw a revitalized Carnolia and Verdezia as a significant threat.

    1438 CAPITAL LEVY | In early 1438, the Left Coalition government instituted the 1438 Capital Levy (Impôt sur le Capital de 1438), which presented a harsh one-time wealth tax on capital in Norr. The tax, applying only to those who had more than 150,000 Nord in capital, would be a progressive tax ranging from 4% to 25%, and would be a one-time tax that could be payable through incremental payments. SNIO and the Radical-Socialists stated the tax would be used to revitalize the treasury and allow Norr's government programs to continue operating effectively. Paired with the levy was also a two-year pause on debt payments by the government of Norr to free up additional capital. Like with the exchange controls, the SNIO made a written promise to the various investors and businesses of Norr and her trade partners that such measures were temporary and designed to avoid an economic collapse in Norr.

    FURTHER REARMAMENT | Alongside the already announced plans for the navy to produce four carriers, the Left Coalition government made plans to not only start producing future aircraft for the RCAAS, but also to have modified designs of those aircraft for use by the Royal Commonwealth Navy for its carriers. Additionally, in May of 1438, the Royal Commonwealth Army Aeronautical Service was split from the RCA and rechristened the Royal Commonwealth Air Force. The RCAF would inherit all its aircraft, personnel, and airfields from the RCAAS, and would be given funds for setting up the necessary command infrastructure to operate as a separate branch.

    Additional orders were put in for cruisers and destroyers to be built for the Royal Commonwealth Navy, particularly for a cruiser class referred to as C3801 for the time being, which would be a new generation of heavy cruiser meant as a direct counter to Carnolian and Verdezian heavy cruisers. Additionally, there were requests for plans for another class of heavy cruiser to be drawn up, however those designs would not be ready until 1439 at the earliest. In all, the RCN would get the following approved;
    — Two carriers converted from the hulls of the N3601-class
    — Two purpose-built carriers to be designed and built (no class has been assigned)
    — Six C3801-class heavy cruisers
    — Sixteen D3801-class destroyers
    — Funding for the development of naval aircraft in conjunction with the RCAF's Future Fighter Program

    The RCA was by far the most mundane of recipients. The most significant of programs introduced was a restart of the precious 1437 heavy tank program as well as a restart of research into a new medium tank. Additional research was put into armored cars for the RCA, with a theory of wheeled tank destroyers being particularly popular for strategists. The 1437 heavy tank, dubbed CL-15, was already designed and largely approved by the previous government before the project's cancellation, allowing for the design process to be quickly restarted and for a new heavy tank to potentially reached the armies of Norr by 1429. Additionally, the research into a new medium tank had shown favor towards an upgraded version of the existing CM-10 medium tank. The RCA was then given funding approval for the acquisition of 140 CL-15s, though no further acquisition of the existing CL-11 or CM-10 tanks was approved.

     

Military focus discussions
Ny Skölm, Sveynland – May 15, 1438
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Since Jeppe Strøm's accession to office, he has proposed numerous plans and potential efforts for the nation. One of his more recent discussions involves the Sveynish military. Under Mio Mathisen's leadership, the armed forces saw little improvement beyond budget increases and a restructuring of military command. The new structure created a simpler pipeline and improved efficiency in joint operations between the branches. It allowed military agencies to answer to the Minister of Defense individually, rather than to the government as a collective cabinet. Despite limited progress, Jeppe Strøm has actively pushed to address the military's shortcomings since taking office. This most recent plan emphasized a pivot in the armed forces from small offensive capabilities to strong defensive ones. He has said he wants the army's doctrines and philosophy to fully embrace national defense. Instead, it is currently a mixed force trying to satisfy both a capable offensive force and a strong defensive one. Alongside this, Strøm has expressed a desire to expand the navy's coastal fleet to emphasize the new focus on defense. However, Strøm has not stated what will happen to the limited "blue-water" Boreal fleet or whether it will remain part of the Royal Sveynish Navy.

This new series of statements and plans has had mixed reactions. Some praise the move to a simpler military, while others, usually older, disapprove of abandoning the older military prowess.

"Our nation is no longer a merchant empire. We do not need to overspend on a robust global military," stated Carl Nykvist, a Liberal Party parliament member.

"This is not a matter of finance or size. This is an inherent hindrance of our traditions, our pride, and our place in the world. We never had the most commendable military, but it was enough to instill generational pride for our people," stated Moderate Party leader Jöran Winter.

So far, no official plans or bills have been put into effect, and with tensions rising in global affairs, we may not have time to wait.

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